Ethiopia Media Sustainability Index (MSI)
March 14, 2012
About the MSI
IREX designed the MSI to measure the strength and viability of any country's media sector. The MSI considers all the factors that contribute to a media system—the quality of journalism, effectiveness of management, the legal environment supporting freedom of the press, and more—to arrive at scores on a scale ranging between 0 and 4. These scores represent the strength of the media sector components and can be analyzed over time to chart progress (or regression) within a country. Additionally, countries or regions may be compared to one another. IREX currently conducts the MSI in 80 countries, and began studying Africa in 2006.
MSI Overview | Africa | Asia | Europe & Eurasia | Middle East & North Africa
Download Complete Ethiopia Chapter (PDF): 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2006/7
MSI Ethiopia-2010 Introduction
Overall Country Score: 1.15
The Ethiopian government’s negative attitude towards the media and oppression of journalists changed
little in the past year, with continued imprisonment of journalists and stifling of independent voices. In
addition to threatening and arresting journalists, the government actively censored politically sensitive
blogs and other sources and jammed foreign broadcasts.
Ahead of the May 2010 general elections, the ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic
Front (EPRDF), won elections by a landslide. But the International Press Institute and the International
Freedom of Expression Exchange underlined the absence of independent media voices in the lead-up to
the vote and decried the harassment and intimidation of journalists. Additionally, the effects of Ethiopia’s
2009 Anti-Terror Proclamation are becoming evident. Few independent publications remain in Ethiopia,
after threats forced the independent weekly Addis Neger to stop publishing in late 2009 and several of its
editors to flee the country.
On the new media front, Internet access remains very low and prohibitively expensive; most urban residents
depend on Internet cafés. Rural residents continue to live in the “media dark zone,” as described by last
year’s MSI panelists. Although access is low and the government actively filters and blocks sites that it deems
threatening, bloggers and online journalists within and beyond Ethiopia’s borders are fueling political
debate by providing alternative news sources. A small but growing number of Ethiopians are tapping social
media websites to exchange information, as well.
Judging by the MSI panel discussion, clearly much work remains to help Ethiopian journalists gain their
freedom. According to the MSI panelists, Ethiopia’s constitution guarantees the freedom of speech and
the press, but major challenges lie in enforcing the provisions and laws. The average scores for Objective
1 (free speech) placed it in the middle of the unsustainable, mixed-system range of the MSI study. The
lowest-scoring objective was Objective 5 (supporting institutions), near the border of the anti-free press
range and the unsustainable, mixed-system range. Objective 2 (professional standards of journalism) scored
quite low, as well.
Due to the oppressive political environment, panelists for Ethiopia agreed to participate only on condition
of anonymity.
the media, all while claiming that press freedom is growing stronger. Officials display little respect for press
freedom and freedom of speech, crushing demonstrators agitating for their rights, forcing many journalists
into exile, and holding others in detention for years. The media labor in an atmosphere clouded by
intimidation, fear, and self-censorship. The few surviving independent voices feel forced to tread cautiously,
often avoiding penning any articles that criticize the government.
the media, all while claiming that press freedom is growing stronger. Officials display little respect for press
freedom and freedom of speech, crushing demonstrators agitating for their rights, forcing many journalists
into exile, and holding others in detention for years. The media labor in an atmosphere clouded by
intimidation, fear, and self-censorship. The few surviving independent voices feel forced to tread cautiously,
often avoiding penning any articles that criticize the government.
Ethiopia's current government, led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, continues on a course of oppressing
the media, all while claiming that press freedom is growing stronger. Officials display little respect for press
freedom and freedom of speech, crushing demonstrators agitating for their rights, forcing many journalists
into exile, and holding others in detention for years. The media labor in an atmosphere clouded by
intimidation, fear, and self-censorship. The few surviving independent voices feel forced to tread cautiously,
often avoiding penning any articles that criticize the government.
The government continues to enact ever more draconian and highly subjective media laws, such as the
2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. The law drew international condemnation for granting the government
broad power to criminalize reporting that it claims supports or glorifies terrorist groups. The government
used the law to force the closure of the independent Addis Neger in late 2009, dealing a serious blow to key
independent voices in the country. Addis Neger’s staff fled the country after a government paper publicly
accused them of violating the new law.1
Much of Ethiopia’s rural population lives in what some panelists designated a “media dark zone.” Electronic
media, especially radio, remain the most influential (and in some cases the only) information reaching the
rural areas where most Ethiopians live. However, the government controls most of Ethiopia’s radio stations,
as well as the sole national television station; they are expected to serve as its mouthpiece. Currently, only
three independent broadcast outlets operate in the country of about 80 million people.
Although people in major cities increasingly access online news sources, predictably, Internet reliability and
speed weaken outside urban areas. Watching foreign media online is not a problem, provided that Internet
access with the required bandwidth is available—and that the state has not blocked sources with one of
its periodic cyber-blockades. Blogging is still uncommon in Ethiopia, and SMS news alerts are nonexistent.
Despite the many obstacles, some private media outlets have managed to grow, with new newspapers
and news websites emerging that dare to criticize the government in their publications. In another sign of
progress, some regional officials are softening their stance on providing official information to journalists.
Due to the oppressive political environment, panelists for Ethiopia agreed to participate only on condition
of anonymity.
Ethiopia's current government, led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, continues on a course of oppressing
the media, all while claiming that press freedom is growing stronger. Officials display little respect for press
freedom and freedom of speech, crushing demonstrators agitating for their rights, forcing many journalists
into exile, and holding others in detention for years. The media labor in an atmosphere clouded by
intimidation, fear, and self-censorship. The few surviving independent voices feel forced to tread cautiously,
often avoiding penning any articles that criticize the government.
The government continues to enact ever more draconian and highly subjective media laws, such as the
2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. The law drew international condemnation for granting the government
broad power to criminalize reporting that it claims supports or glorifies terrorist groups. The government
used the law to force the closure of the independent Addis Neger in late 2009, dealing a serious blow to key
independent voices in the country. Addis Neger’s staff fled the country after a government paper publicly
accused them of violating the new law.1
Much of Ethiopia’s rural population lives in what some panelists designated a “media dark zone.” Electronic
media, especially radio, remain the most influential (and in some cases the only) information reaching the
rural areas where most Ethiopians live. However, the government controls most of Ethiopia’s radio stations,
as well as the sole national television station; they are expected to serve as its mouthpiece. Currently, only
three independent broadcast outlets operate in the country of about 80 million people.
Although people in major cities increasingly access online news sources, predictably, Internet reliability and
speed weaken outside urban areas. Watching foreign media online is not a problem, provided that Internet
access with the required bandwidth is available—and that the state has not blocked sources with one of
its periodic cyber-blockades. Blogging is still uncommon in Ethiopia, and SMS news alerts are nonexistent.
Despite the many obstacles, some private media outlets have managed to grow, with new newspapers
and news websites emerging that dare to criticize the government in their publications. In another sign of
progress, some regional officials are softening their stance on providing official information to journalists.
Due to the oppressive political environment, panelists for Ethiopia agreed to participate only on condition
of anonymity.
