Ethiopia Media Sustainability Index (MSI)
April 24, 2013
About the MSI
IREX designed the MSI to measure the strength and viability of any country's media sector. The MSI considers all the factors that contribute to a media system—the quality of journalism, effectiveness of management, the legal environment supporting freedom of the press, and more—to arrive at scores on a scale ranging between 0 and 4. These scores represent the strength of the media sector components and can be analyzed over time to chart progress (or regression) within a country. Additionally, countries or regions may be compared to one another. IREX currently conducts the MSI in 80 countries, and began studying Africa in 2006.
MSI Overview | Africa | Asia | Europe & Eurasia | Middle East & North Africa
Download Complete Ethiopia Chapter (PDF): 2012 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2006/7
MSI Ethiopia - 2012 Introduction
Overall Country Score: 1.25
As president, then as prime minister, Meles Zenawi led Ethiopia through its post-communist transition for 21 years, before dying of an illness a few weeks before the MSI panel convened to consider the state of the media in the country. The transition to his constitutionally mandated successor was smooth, particularly compared with the raucous election periods that cemented his authority in the 2000s.
His rule was controversial, as he earned praise for spearheading reforms that led to significant economic growth after decades of repeated famine and agricultural disasters. However, Meles also oversaw an oppressive environment for critics and tight limitations on the press. This was particularly obvious during Meles’s three-month absence from public life, during which time press speculation was rife, yet the consequences for speaking out on the topic of his legacy or succession were dire in several cases. As a case in point, IREX has withheld the list of panelists who compiled this report to protect them from retribution.
The government’s negative attitude toward the media did not change much; it has retained an oppressive attitude toward those engaged in the journalism trade, especially reporters who continue to work in a hostile environment. Some journalists are in prison, serving sentences ranging from three to seven years, while others still await trial and sentencing. Others are in exile in Europe or the United States, where they have started a loose network known as the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association in Exile.
The ruling party controls state media and their content. In several recent cases, private print outlets have been shut down after running afoul of officials. The government owns the country’s main printing-press operator and has recently used that control to punish papers that have been critical of it. The country’s antiterrorism law has likewise been applied to suppress opposition points of view.
The panel discussion concluded that there has not been much improvement in the country’s media situation, and a great deal needs to be done toward helping media stakeholders realize their freedoms.
Ethiopia’s scores remained close to the 2010 assessment, nearly entering the anti-free-press range. Its score for Objective 5 (supporting institutions) remains its weakest, with strict legal and practical restrictions on the operations of NGOs, infrastructure and equipment issues, and limited professional and trade associations.
Due to the oppressive political environment, panelists for Ethiopia agreed to participate only on condition of anonymity.
Ethiopia's current government, led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, continues on a course of oppressing
the media, all while claiming that press freedom is growing stronger. Officials display little respect for press
freedom and freedom of speech, crushing demonstrators agitating for their rights, forcing many journalists
into exile, and holding others in detention for years. The media labor in an atmosphere clouded by
intimidation, fear, and self-censorship. The few surviving independent voices feel forced to tread cautiously,
often avoiding penning any articles that criticize the government.
The government continues to enact ever more draconian and highly subjective media laws, such as the
2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. The law drew international condemnation for granting the government
broad power to criminalize reporting that it claims supports or glorifies terrorist groups. The government
used the law to force the closure of the independent Addis Neger in late 2009, dealing a serious blow to key
independent voices in the country. Addis Neger’s staff fled the country after a government paper publicly
accused them of violating the new law.1
Much of Ethiopia’s rural population lives in what some panelists designated a “media dark zone.” Electronic
media, especially radio, remain the most influential (and in some cases the only) information reaching the
rural areas where most Ethiopians live. However, the government controls most of Ethiopia’s radio stations,
as well as the sole national television station; they are expected to serve as its mouthpiece. Currently, only
three independent broadcast outlets operate in the country of about 80 million people.
Although people in major cities increasingly access online news sources, predictably, Internet reliability and
speed weaken outside urban areas. Watching foreign media online is not a problem, provided that Internet
access with the required bandwidth is available—and that the state has not blocked sources with one of
its periodic cyber-blockades. Blogging is still uncommon in Ethiopia, and SMS news alerts are nonexistent.
Despite the many obstacles, some private media outlets have managed to grow, with new newspapers
and news websites emerging that dare to criticize the government in their publications. In another sign of
progress, some regional officials are softening their stance on providing official information to journalists.
Due to the oppressive political environment, panelists for Ethiopia agreed to participate only on condition
of anonymity.
