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Media Sustainability Index (MSI) - Europe and Eurasia

MSI Europe & Eurasia 2008

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Tajikistan

Introduction

Overall Country Score: 1.65

The key events of the year 2007 in the Republic of Tajikistan were the three summits conducted in Dushanbe: the Summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Summit of the Eurasian Economic Community. Another significant political event was the reorganization of some Ministries and Departments, the appointment of new executives, and the foundation of the Anti-Corruption Agency. Like other Central Asian States that witnessed the “Tulip Revolution” of 2005 and subsequent political disturbances in Kyrgyzstan in 2006 and riots in Andijan in 2005, the Tajik authorities prevented rallies, pickets and demonstrations by paying ample attention to the opposition, the growth of Islamic influence, civil society and mass media.

On the threshold of the summits (October 2007), Tajik leaders conducted several political actions that were supposed to demonstrate their country’s adherence to democratic values. On the other hand, they passed the law “On Traditions and Customs” which restricted the citizens’ rights and liberties.

In 2007, the country’s information system was consolidated and its management was reinforced in an attempt to create favorable public opinion. Thus, a political and public affairs channel Simoi Mustaqili Tojikiston (Independent Television of Tajikistan), Bahoriston, a channel for children, and one more state-run radio station Tojikiston were established. The government’s considerable investment into all the three state-run television channels allowed them to switch to digital broadcasting. The governments of Tajikistan, Iran and Afghanistan reached an agreement to start a common Farsi speaking channel in 2008. The government continued supporting state-run and official print publications.

In 2007, the campaign of the civil society, especially non-governmental organizations, that supported mass media and media associations in their struggle for a new law on mass media, failed. According to observers and independent experts, the 1990 law on press and other mass media is outdated. It does not provide for realization mechanisms and does not reflect, but rather prevents the development of the mass media system. However, this law is relatively liberal, and despite its purely declarative nature, it reflects the objective of the country’s authorities.

The development of mass media is a key characteristic of the social environment. According to statistics, within a year, four successful information agencies with their own websites were established, two national newspapers were founded, two television stations were re-registered, one new FM radio station began to broadcast, and one new television channel received a broadcasting license.

The economic growth rate is still relatively low, and the income level of the population remains rather critical. According to official statistics, 50 percent of the population lives below the poverty line; labor emigration stays at about one million people and remains the main source of income for the majority of young males. According to the Tajik National Bank data, in 2007, labor migrants transferred about $1.3 billion by express remittance. A considerable part of the population’s income comes from the shadow economy, though the President extended the term of shadow income legalization in 2007. Experts claim that most legal enterprises conceal the real volume of their sales and revenues, thus partially remaining “in the shadow.” Concealing revenues has become a universal business strategy in Tajikistan. Naturally enough, non-governmental mass media follow the tendency to hide their revenues as well.

Private media must survive in the market, but this market is mainly regulated by political instruments which do not allow for free competition. The fact, that the shadow economy constitutes a considerable part of economic activity, hinders the development of the advertising market. For most media, especially in remote regions, the advertising market is not an important source of income. Regional media still earn most of their income from personal advertisements and sponsored articles. State-run media also suffer from insufficient capitalization and low levels of investments.

Despite the problems with the freedom of speech, the development of independent mass media, their commercialization, and the expansion of the network of Internet providers all testify that this sector is rapidly moving towards norms of a market economy. With a certain amount of help from international organizations, availability of political freedom, and strict compliance with the law, the mass media of Tajikistan will be able to overcome its technical and professional backlog and become a rather profitable business sector.

Overall this year’s study showed almost no change: an average of 1.65 compared to last year’s 1.61. Individual objectives did not stray far from this average Objective 5, Supporting Institutions, had the highest average with 1.92, while Objective 2, Professional Journalism, had the lowest with 1.40.

Objective 1: Freedom of Speech

Score: 1.47

The information sector in Tajikistan is regulated by a number of laws and statutory regulations, including the Constitution, The Law on Press and Other Mass Media, The Law on Television and Radio Broadcasting, the Law on Information, Regulations on Broadcast Licensing, as well as numerous articles in civil and criminal law – a total of nine laws.

According to an analysis of laws on mass media conducted by the Institute of Information Law Problems (Moscow), in the former Soviet republics Tajikistan belongs to the group of countries with an average level of freedom (its index is 6 out of 13), ahead of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. Indeed, the Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan proclaims the freedom of press and bans censorship; there are special laws on mass media and television, as well as laws guaranteeing the access of citizens to information. Laws and regulations allow non-governmental media to determine the languages they speak. And although liability for defamation and slander is already covered by the Criminal Law, clauses for slandering civil servants have been added to the Criminal Code (articles 35, 136, 137, 130, 144, 306, 396). Besides, in June 2007, the Parliament passed and the President signed the Decree on Criminal Liability for Slander on the Internet, which restricted journalists’ rights even further.

Besides, the Criminal Code contains articles which allow punishing those who impede journalists’ legal and professional activities and those officials who refuse to provide a citizen with information (articles 148 and 162 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Tajikistan). Despite the fact that there has been not a single precedent of charging anyone on the basis of these articles during the whole history of independent Tajikistan, there is a de jure possibility of defending journalists’ rights even though it does not happen de facto.

Ideally, these laws can grant more favorable conditions to mass media in Central Asia; however, the compliance with and the implementation of these laws are alienated from their legal status and are carried out rather selectively. Farrukhsho Dzhunaydov, a program manager and a lawyer for the NGO Khoma, an Internews Network affiliate in Tajikistan, said: “The provisions of the law assume protection of free speech, but they do not really work. Journalists are persecuted by state officials and local authorities whom they criticize.”

The panel participants unanimously noted that the process of electronic mass media licensing is not carried out within the provisions of the current law. More than eight non-governmental electronic media are still waiting for their license. Since 2004, broadcasting licenses have been granted to pro-state Simoi Mustaqili Tojikiston television and Imruz radio stations. The state-run Bahoriston television has not received any official broadcasting license.

Commenting on the licensing committee decision, Konstantin Parshin, an independent journalist working forthe National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan(NANSMIT), said: “I think, these two were registered just for show.”

One of the experts, a journalist from Rushon Makhmadali Bakhtierov said that a journalist Kurbon Almashoev has been trying to establish a radio station in the city of Khorog in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province for five years already, but his papers are still being examined by the Licensing Commission. The licenses are issued by the Licensing Commission under the State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting. The presiding commissioner is the Chairman of the State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting of Tajikistan himself, and most members are government officials.

The editor-in-chief of the independent newspaper Varorud from Khudzhand (Sughd Province) Negmatullo Mirsaidov said: “The State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting, whose officials are members of the Licensing Commission, does not need competitors in the form of independent media. The members of the Licensing Commission request the list of the applicant’s technical equipment whereas the sponsors, who invest in the media, would provide the equipment or means for its purchase only if there is a license.”

Saidumron Saidov, the Chairman of the Association of professional Journalists of Sughd Province, noted that three television companies and two radio stations of this region have been waiting for licenses for more than three years.

All the experts mentioned that the Licensing Commission should be independent from the State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting. As of now, no one knows who is on this commission, so its composition must be revealed. Formerly, one journalist was a member of the commission, but there have been no media representatives there for two years already. The experts also noted that the present Licensing Commission will do everything to hinder the acquisition of licenses by independent media because they do not want strong competitors.

Complicated and multistage licensing procedures for the electronic media, in combination with the absence of transparency in decision-making, rely on the fact that the vast majority of media outlets in the country, where television has a priority among the population, are printed. A number of regional television stations (14 out of 18) have been created only in the last couple of years with a financial and advisory support of the Internews Network affiliate in Tajikistan. According to the law, each electronic media outlet should renew its license every five years, though actual licenses are issued for various terms, sometimes even for a year, which is also a means of pressure from the authorities. For example, this year, the Licensing Commission rigidly inspected all FM radio stations except for one – Oriyono Radio that belongs to the head of the largest bank of the country, a family member of the President of Tajikistan.

In general, it is extremely difficult to get into the mass media market – not only are there financial restrictions for media as an enterprise, but there are also political aspects of media activity, and the attention of the officials to such an enterprise is more scrupulous than to other kinds of businesses.

The officials find it difficult to perceive the information sector as a commodity producer; therefore, during their inspections, the representatives of the tax authorities are trying to interpret the Criminal Code articles in their own way.

According to the experts, the professional activity of a journalist has lately become quite a frequent basis for legal prosecution. Lawsuits are doomed to long delays and bureaucratic red tape. For instance, the investigation about the article written by Lyra Latipova, a journalist with Crim-info newspaper, has lasted for more than two years, and no decision has been made yet, though her critique was directed not at the top leaders of the country, but at a simple notary who used counterfeit documents to deprive helpless old people of their legal houses.

The trial of three journalists with the Ovoza newspaper, Saida Qurbonova, Farangis Nabiyeva and Muhayo Nozimova, lasted for more than half a year. They published a critical article about a tour of a Tajik singer to Afghanistan, referring to the opinions of forum visitors on the website www.mynet.tj. The singer filed a petition with the Dushanbe city prosecutor’s office, which instituted criminal proceedings against the reporters and brought them to court. The prosecutor’s office did not even make an attempt to reconcile the parties and to institute civil legal proceedings. Moreover, in the course of the trial, the judge confidentially informed the journalists’ lawyer that he was being pressured from above to make a decision in favor of the singer, Raihona. After the Media Alliance management intervened and brought this fact to the attention of the Chairman of the Justice Council, the latter ordered the judge to resolve the lawsuit objectively.

The prosecutors of the republic perceive investigations based on critical articles as an indicator of a great efficacy of newspaper publications.

After criticism has been published, the government often orders respective bodies to conduct a review and provide the editorial staff with a competent response. All the judicial inquires, which took place after the articles had been published, were threatening; in other – extrajudicial – cases, the journalists were subjected to pressure. Practically every expert cited examples of how the government offices and certain officials exerted pressure upon them, trying to intimidate them, etc.

The infringement of journalists’ rights was mentioned in a monthly monitoring of the National Association of Independent Mass Media of Tajikistan that was published up until June, 2007. Now the public and colleagues can learn about infringements of the journalists’ rights only from rare information in printed and electronic media outlets. The basic infringements are: unjustified restrictions on granting the access to information of public importance, or refusal to provide it altogether, unjustified calls to law enforcement bodies, infringements on personal freedom rights in the form of unauthorized searches and withdrawals, public defamation of journalists for their professional work etc.

The panelists believe that publishing criticism poses a threat to a journalist. This claim was supported by examples: as a result of an article on the unauthorized detention of the Tojikiston newspaper reporter Makhmadullo Makhsadullo in the course of his reporting duties, the policeman, who had conducted the detention, sued the journalist himself as well as the newspapers Faraj, Asia-Plus and radio Freedom that published materials in their colleague’s defense.

The deputy-prosecutor of the Sughd Province Isokhuji Toshhujaev harassed the reporter of the regional newspaper Anis Muhiddin Muzafarov for several months because the latter helped the prosecutor’s wife Guljahon Toshhujaeva to edit her letter stating that her husband entered his third marriage having left his former family with two children.

“Now I. Toshhujaev calls me both at work and at home and promises to put me behind bars,” said the journalist.

An employee of the independent newspaper Tojikiston Makhmadullo Makhsadullo was detained by a policeman on his way to a press-conference of the CIS summit participants in October. The policeman stopped him roughly and demanded to see his papers. The reporter showed his Press Card, but this seemed not to be enough, and Makhsadullo was forced to go to the police station where he was kept until the morning. The journalist’s complaint to the prosecutor’s office was of no avail because they claimed there were no witnesses.

The system of preferences has been created for the state-run media outlets: the representatives of this sector are invited to press-conferences and other kinds of contact with the “newsmakers”; they are included in the President’s pool (the list of accredited journalists) formed by analogy with the pool of the President of Russia, Putin. Other reporters, mainly the ones in opposition, are invited to governmental events rarely enough, “for the critical mass” only.

Access to international news is relatively open, though there are some obstacles. First, the power supply is unreliable. Second, the price of Internet services is prohibitively high in comparison with the average income of the population. Third, international information is monitored. Thus, an unrestricted opportunity to learn about events in foreign countries exists; however, the access to information on Central Asia and to news about events in remote areas of Tajikistan is limited. And if Russian newspapers are delivered almost without any restrictions, newspapers of other foreign countries are not available in Tajikistan.

In 2007, there was a problem with access to a number of websites, including www.centrasia.ru, www.fergana.ru, www.arianastorm.com, www.charogiruz.ru and www.tajikistantaims.ru on the grounds that they were accused of having disseminated propaganda to overthrow the lawful system in the Republic Tajikistan and fomented ethnic hostility and dissension back in 2006. Some Internet providers simply decided to safeguard themselves. According to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, about five percent of Tajikistan’s population use the Internet. An average income Tajik family can afford a computer for children and a connection to the Internet.

Another, even broader channel of foreign news is satellite and cable television which became widespread in Tajikistan. For many citizens, especially in cities, satellite dishes became a real means of expanding their access to objective and timely information.

Journalistic practice does not require licensing, and no professional education is required from a person who wants to start working as a journalist. The state does not assume responsibility for training highly professional journalists, though the president used to speak about the importance of good education, including the one for journalists.

Objective 2: Professional Journalism

Score: 1.40

There are numerous obstacles for a journalist’s professional work in Tajikistan, the major one being restricted access to various sources of information. On the one hand, providing information requires efficiency and objectivity, on the other hand, access to important public information is limited. Thus, according to article 28 of the Law on Information, the following procedure is required for access to official documents: once the letter of inquiry is sent, the official answer (both written and oral) should be given within no more than 30 days.

It is quite difficult to be granted an interview with a government official of any rank in order to obtain comments on important current problems. An official must address the inquiry to their direct boss who, in turn, should pass it on to the office of their chief. Consequently, a simple clerk or press-secretary must receive permission for an interview from “rais” (the head of local administration). Since public agents are main sources of information in Tajikistan, such procedures of dealing with official structures complicates the journalist’s task of providing coverage of key events and problems.

According to personal instructions from the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, all ministries and departments should organize quarterly press conferences and provide a certain amount of official information on their activities during this period. However, some establishments have been closed to the press since 2005. For example, the Ministry of Defense and the State Committee for National Security consider their activities to be state secrets. Only public mass media receive information and press releases from them, and even that is provided irregularly.

The risk related to criticizing any sphere of public life forces journalists to resort to anonymous sources of information or even to use flagrant lies to operate independently. In the course of discussion, Makhmadali Bakhtierov said: “Journalists who write truth may be persecuted by phone or in any other way by the head of a local administration or other officials that are criticized. Quite often, he or his editor would refrain from publishing critical materials in the future because of self-censorship.” Elaborating on the same topic, Tukhfa Akhmedova remarked that “if journalists do not resort to self-censorship, they are threatened with dismissal. It is especially so in the state-run and regional media outlets.”

The panelists recalled several cases when journalists were dismissed for truthful and objective articles written upon their editors’ requests. These articles were excluded from the paper. Under such circumstances, there is a list of off-limit topics and journalists widely practice self-censorship. Mansur Abdullaev noted that “Journalists cover all the major topics and events, and though they still practice self-censorship, its scope is getting smaller every year.” The range of coverage of social issues is getting broader. The newspapers Nigokh and Faraj turned to themes related to the Civil War of 1992-1997. This proves that the taboo on discussing civil confrontation is gradually disappearing.”

The genre of investigative reporting, which used to be extremely rare in the republic, has now started to develop with the advent of the Center for Journalistic Investigations headed by the panelist Khurshed Niyozov. The investigations are regularly published in the Faraj newspaper edited by Khurshed himself.

Turko Dikaev believes that, in pursuit of popularity, many journalists fill their articles with “sensations” to the detriment of objectivity. “Until now, there are taboo subjects for mass media of Tajikistan, such as radioactive waste, national security, the activities of the State Committee for National Security, customs, corruption in the supreme government bodies, drug trafficking, the life and activities of top government officials as well as regional leaders. And if the business and economic journalism is coming into its own, the political journalism is at a much lower level of development. Criticizing the President and his family as well as the mayor of Dushanbe is still off-limits,” considers Dikaev.

Khurshed Niyozov noted that corruption in the state medical and educational institutions is not a secret to anyone. Nevertheless, as soon as someone dares to write an article about it, he/she starts receiving lots of indignant phone calls from the Ministry, a maternity ward or a hospital. The newspaper or the reporter is compelled to unveil the source of information and to publish a disclaimer. Eventually, both the reporter and the newspaper lose their reputation and stop writing about it.” In his opinion, many editors-in-chief, media-holding executives and heads of journalists’ unions view mass media as business rather than creative work. Abundance of PR materials and thriving self-censorship cause journalism to fall short of professional quality standards.

Tukhfa Akhmedova from the NGO Gamkhori in Kurgan-Tube told a real-life story about the journalist Mokhsharif Kurbonzoda, a reporter for a nongovernmental newspaper Bomdod. After she had published several critical articles, even her colleagues – journalists – ceased to support her, and the editor of the newspaper publicly accused her of non-professionalism. It was found out later, that while writing these critical materials, she did not turn to experts and heroes of her reports for comments. As a result, her articles were one-sided and went beyond legal bounds.

All the panelists maintain that, in order to succeed, journalists must have their own connections in the ministries and departments. Negmat Mirsaidov said that “since the staff of the newspaper Varorud has had good relationships with all the government offices and law enforcement bodies for many years, we often receive information which the staff of other media is denied.”

Another problem with the development of professional journalism is related to the pay level. According to data presented by the experts, the salary and fees in the governmental media outlets are especially low.

Makhmadali Bakhtierov, the editor-in-chief of the state-run Paemi Rushon newspaper, said: “The payment at the state-run media remains very low, the royalty scale has not been reconsidered for a long time. The royalties for the whole newspaper issue may not exceed 50 somoni (or $16). Therefore, almost all regional journalists make some money on the side by working anonymously for other media outlets or Internet editions.”

The situation in some nation-wide media outlets has improved: the salary of the staff of two state-run television channels was raised to an average of $40, and employees are allowed to earn extra by attracting advertisements and participating in the production of commercials. The National Information Agency of Tajikistan Khovar has also increased the rate of salaries and royalties for its staff, and its average employee can earn up to about $100. Despite this increase, the pay is still much lower than in private (independent) mass media. That is why media talents (first of all in television), have to find additional “sources of income” on their own. For example, television must be paid $100-$150 for filming a 30-second outdoors coverage for a news release; other employees augment their income by shooting private films. Due to low pay, public relations materials and embedded advertising in mass media prosper.

The pay level of non-governmental media journalists is significantly higher. Their minimum income can be estimated from job advertisements for journalists in private mass media. An average salary offered in such advertisements is at least $150 for a journalist and at least $250 for an editor. The more popular the journalist, the greater the chances are to earn in other outlets, both in the country, and abroad. However, the salary of regional reporters with private (independent) editions is much lower than that of their colleagues in the capital. The experts noted that practically all best cadres of the Tajik journalism work as correspondents for foreign media outlets in Tajikistan.

Despite the difficulty and risk of working for non-governmental publications, journalists of the state-run mass media often leave to work for them. At the same time, all the experts recognized the low level of professional journalism and a poor knowledge of legal issues.

The issue of professional ethics is an extremely important problem in Tajikistan. In 2007, OSCE organized a number of round tables and a regional conference at which a proposed ethical code for journalists of Tajikistan was discussed. However, an agreement on code acceptance has not been reached yet due to different interests of mass media editors.

At the same time, unethical approaches are widely employed in journalists’ materials. Farrukhsho Dzhunaydov remarked: “Not only are ethical norms not observed; sometimes even legal norms are violated. People who have been detained are often referred to as "arrested,” and their names and pictures are made public.”

The panelists cited instances illustrating how civil servants and business leaders used journalists as a tool to defame someone or to pay off a score. Information “leakage” was used for this purpose. All the speakers recognized such practice as a lack of professionalism in the journalist’s work and non-observance of basic moral norms.

The experts acknowledged that, as of today, Asia-Press newspaper is the only media outlet with its own moral and ethical code, though its own journalists fail to observe it.

Objective 3: Plurality of News Sources

Score: 1.88

The decrease in the number of points for this objective reflects the decrease in the level of news sources that provide the population of Tajikistan with objective and efficient information. Rano Bobojanova, the head of NGO The Center for Gender Research from Khudzhand, a reporter for Bonuvoni Tojikiston magazine, explains this rating: “Although the reading population grows from year to year, not everyone can afford to buy newspapers due to their high prices. The access of population, especially in remote regions, to the Internet depends on technical problems, mainly on the power supply.

There are no alternative points of view in mass media: the representatives of the opposition (political parties) are deprived of the opportunity to speak in governmental media – they are just not allowed there. Due to their high cost, not all newspapers can subscribe to services of news agencies. Their sites are open, but access to information is limited (a paid zone). Access to sites of Zarafshon-times, Pamir-media and Hatlon-press is completely open.

According to the experts’ estimation, only 10-15 percent of the population can afford to buy newspapers. The retail price of printed media is quite high, 1-1.5 somoni or 28 to 43 US cents on the average. Niyozov believes that when the price for newspapers goes up, there is an informal lobby of all the editors that makes a decision on a simultaneous price rise of their outlets.

At the same time, the demand for information in the country is enormous, and the press is a very popular media. There are no daily newspapers in Tajikistan yet, almost all papers are weekly and come out on Thursdays. In the capital and large cities, almost all private newspapers are already bought up on Friday. Due to their limited territory of delivery and small circulations, independent editions published in the capital do not reach remote provinces. Bakhtierov noted: "In Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province, the situation with granting the citizens access to information is very difficult. The national press is delivered only to the administrative center of the Province – the city of Khorog, and the papers arrive at the regions more than a week late, if at all.” According to the Department of Press under the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Tajikistan, 69 government newspapers are regularly published in the regions. Their circulation does not exceed 500-1000 copies. Due to technical and financial hardships, most of them come out twice, or even once a month. Very few of them have proven that they can be profitable and have considerable circulation. Such publications include the newspapers Diyori Tursunzoda (city of Tursunzoda), with a circulation of 5,000; Khakikati Sughd from the Sughd Province, with a circulation of 4,000 to 6,000.

Civil society supported by international organizations has been trying to expand the access of the population to a wide spectrum of information. Centers of information sources with a wide choice of periodicals and access to the Internet have been opened in provinces. At OSCE support, information access centers were established in the regions. However, due to Islamic practices, these centers are hardly visited by women, except for NGO activists and public figures.

The rigid limit on the electrical power supply, which gets worse every year during the fall-winter period, became a real survival course for citizens in the remote regions, preventing them from receiving live information on the events in the country and the world. Only portable radio receivers that work on batteries become the main source of information during this period.

During the fall-winter period, the regions receive electrical power only when the programs about the President of the country are broadcast. The broadcasting of Russian channels is often interrupted for the sake of showing important political events in the life of Tajikistan. That is why there are satellite dishes in most big cities. Viewing Russian and other foreign channels broadens access to information. The experts noted the growing popularity of satellite television not only in cities, but also in the countryside. “Satellite dishes have become more accessible, and many more people can afford them now than two or three years ago,” said the experts.

Negmatullo Mirsaidov remarked that “Tajik radio and television fail to provide necessary information, especially of social significance. The population frequently learns of events in Tajikistan from the programs on Russian television channels and the Internet. If the governmental media outlets are completely partisan, private (independent) ones do not have enough courage to protect the interests of the society.”

Thanks to the Internews network project, local television studios were opened and are now operating in 14 regions of Tajikistan. These electronic media outlets are equipped with modern digital technologies, much better than those used at the state-run regional television studios.

However, strengthening the potential of the regional mass media has not led to any improvement in inter-regional information exchange yet. Until now, the residents of the capital find it much easier to receive international information than to learn what is going on in neighboring towns or villages just several dozen kilometers from them. Konstantin Parshin reported: “While going to work in the morning, you are listening to news on FM radio Asia-plus or Vatan, and there are more reports on international events than on those that take place in Tajikistan, especially in the regions. All radio stations broadcast in a similar format.” The experts also noted that news agencies also provide more information on events in other countries.

Dzhunaydov and Abdullaev emphasized the importance of a problem of inter-regional information interchange. Dzhunaydov said that very few original programs are produced by electronic mass media. In the past, there were many production studios that used to provide private companies with their products, but they all ceased existence after the licensing system was introduced in 2005. Both experts declared that Internews network re-registration in Tajikistan gives hope for renewal of its projects and for the revival of the joint program of eight regional stations that was discontinued in 2006. This may fill the information vacuum in the regions.

Comparing Tajik television with broadcasts of other countries, Mirsaidov noted that it lacks socially significant information. We still tend to avoid showing accidents and natural disasters in the news. The panelists illustrated this idea with an example of two catastrophic earthquakes in Tajikistan, the coverage on which was shown by the state television two days later, only after the governmental group went there. Two terrorist attacks, two avalanches with human victims were also passed over in silence on the government television channels. People learned about them from various sources: some read about them in external sources and passed the information on to others.

There are nine news agencies in Tajikistan, the most famous of which are independent Avesta, Asia-Plus, Varorud, Interpress-service, Hatlon-press, Zerafshan-times, Pamir-Media, Simonews and the State Information Agency Khovar. They operate with a varying degree of success and try to capture news from all over the country. The experts especially praised the work of Avesta and Asia-Plus which “provide timely information on-line, beginning in the very early morning; though, since 2007, they started to issue news not openly enough. Bobojanova noted that “Independent agencies disseminate information over the Internet and some newspapers, but not on television, which limits the number of its users.”

The public seldom know who supports the groups that stand behind some independent mass media. Only journalists are familiar with those who sponsor their publications and in whose interest a certain independent radio and television station operates. There is a certain “table of ranks” in Tajikistan, in which television journalists undoubtedly have the highest popularity rating. The most influential political groups aspire to have, if not their own, then at least loyal private media outlets in their arsenals.

According to the experts, last year, financial giants expressed their interest in the development of their own mass media. This was demonstrated by the holding Oriyon International,owned bythe head of the country’s largest private bank, Oriyon Bank, whichfounded a radio station Imruz in addition to the already existing Oriyono Radio. The Media branch of the holding is planning to set up its own television company and an advertising agency.

Entertainment programs are prevalent in electronic media – they take up almost 70 percent of the broadcasting time. Turko Dikaev said: “The lack of competition from independent television stations allows the state television (there are three republican channels) to allocate most of its time to entertainment programs. As a result, people have nicknamed it “The State Philharmonic Society.” Parshin adds that “television and radio have practically no format, and the air is mainly filled with stolen music and pirated copies of films and musical programs.”

All the experts mentioned the necessity of creating a national information channel which may become the most popular one, especially if it features regional news.

There are very few national media outlets in Tajikistan. These are mainly local publications in the Uzbek and Kirghiz languages; there are also news programs in Uzbek, Arabic and English on the first national channel. Uzbek ethnic groups have a wider choice of media outlets in their mother tongue: in addition to local mass media, there is a national governmental Uzbek-language newspaper Khalk Ovozi and a non-governmental newspaper distributed in the places of compact residence of Uzbek population. The latter, the bulletin Dustlik published by the Association of National Minorities of Tajikistan, deals with hot-button issues of the Uzbek Diaspora. Rano Bobojanova said: “There are no information programs in minority languages in the regions; the state television broadcasts some programs in Russian and Uzbek, and that is it. National chauvinism, accompanied by the infringement of the rights of minorities, is increasing.

Bakhtierov reported that a limited-circulation newspaper in the Kirghiz language is published in Murghab region of Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province (the place of compact residence of Kirghiz population). The panelists unanimously claimed that national minorities are free to develop their mass media in Tajikistan without any restrictions. Nevertheless, the Association of National Minorities of Tajikistan does not have its own premises yet, even though it applied to the government on this matter two years ago.

The political pluralism of information is supported by newspapers of political parties. Although not all parties have newspapers, the largest parties have their own media outlets. Thus, for instance, the Islamic Renaissance Party in Tajikistan (IRPT) has two newspapers, two magazines and its own printing shops both in Dushanbe and in the regions. Access to the electronic media is granted only to the ruling (presidential) People's Democratic Party, though Communists or IRPT MPs may be invited to some television and radio programs.

Objective 4: Business Management 

Score: 1.57

The dynamics of the development of mass media in Tajikistan over the past few years reveals that media outlets, which used to perform the role of political tools, are making a rapid transition to journalism churning out quality products, satiating the market with diverse information, and becoming a successful business.

Despite rich reserves of hydropower resources and minerals, Tajikistan is still characterized by a relatively low level of economic development. The biggest business in the country is the aluminum factory (Tajik Aluminum Company). Russian companies – RAO UES which is constructing “Sangtuda-1” hydro electric power station, “Gasprom,” “Nornickel” – have recently entered the Tajik market and became active investors. New Tajik financial groups having their own media business have appeared too. The “Oriyon International” holding has two radio stations and a monthly economic journal. In 2007, Russian holding “RusAl” continued sponsoring some Tajik media outlets both in the form of grants and by publishing advertisements and PR materials in Asia-Plus, Facts and Commentaries, Tajikistan Courier, Vecherny Dushanbe (Evening Dushanbe).

However, the experts noted that the representatives of so-called “big business” seldom sponsor media outlets directly and prefer to do so by putting up their advertisements, commercials and public relations materials. The main advertisers in the Tajik media have been cell phone operators, Internet providers, commercial banks, and international organizations and embassies accredited in Tajikistan.

The panelists stressed that despite their external stability, many media outlets still subsist on grants. Mirsaidov said: “Most mass media in Tajikistan are keeping afloat due to grants from foreign donors. Grants are given only to media outlets that have a clear-cut strategy of maintaining their financial stability.”

Abdullaev noted that businesspeople often refrain from placing advertisements because they fear this might call the attention of tax authorities and other verification entities to their businesses.

All the experts noted that the practice of distorting the print publications’ circulation figures goes on. There are some printed media that understate their circulation to lower taxes; others overrate it to increase the popularity of their publication. There are printed media that, in conspiracy with printing shops, print off-the-books copies which are later sold tax-free. Another way to avoid taxation is hidden advertising. The panelists maintained that, according to the law, a norm has been set for the placement of advertisements on television; however, the lack of monitoring enables television stations to conceal advertising revenues.

Journalists of various media have an incentive to attract commercials to their outlets because 30 to 50 percent of the total advertising fee is paid to the person who has brought the advertisement. However, such a practice turns the journalist from a creator to a merchant who is engaged in writing only custom-made and advertising materials. The owners of large non-governmental editions – Asia-Plus, Charkhi Gardun and Oila – have created marketing departments, and only these departments search for advertisers and research potential and real markets as well as advertising supply and demand.

Many successful editors develop other kinds of business in addition to printing. Thus, the richest media holding Charkhi Gardun, whose publications have the largest circulation in the country, is also engaged in delivery of newsprint, consumables, printing plates, construction, etc. Media holding Oila has its own advertising agency Tayron and a printing house Oila-print with state-of-the-art equipment.

Most governmental and state-run printed media still rely on subscriptions (which are still mandatory for employees in the budget-funded sector) as their major source of income.

According to Bakhtierov, “the governmental mass media increase their circulations and have the income only at the expense of a subscription.” Non-governmental mass media are more focused on advertisements, classifieds and PR materials, trying to attract more advertisers. Non-governmental regional television stations often receive small grants from local administrations. Nevertheless, scanty sources of income may lead either to closure of media outlets or to their reliance on sponsors.

Dikaev cited an example of Mavchi Ozod television from Vosei District. “This station works in agreement with a local oligarch, the owner of JSC “Samar.” The television studio works on the territory of the plant belonging to “Samar,” the employees receive salaries from the plant and know that if any problem arises, their promoter will always find a solution,” he said.

Bobojanova believes that television stations in the regions are subject to the influence of the authorities, especially in political programs. “The independent Chakhonaro television from Chkalovsk presented the mayor not the way he wanted it, and now the channel is about to close,” she reported.

Marketing and rating surveys in mass media sector are conducted sporadically and irregularly. The experts noted that all such surveys were conducted by the Zerkalo (Mirror) Center for Sociological Research. Now these surveys are not conducted at all, perhaps due to the lack of grants. Media outlets do not consider sociological research necessary and conduct their own surveys in the papers or on websites.

Objective 5: Supporting Institutions                                                                              Score: 1.92

The panelists have noted considerable progress in the activity of institutions supporting mass media. Among the factors contributing to this progress, some experts noted advances in the work of the Journalists’ Union after the election of a new and energetic leader – the head of media holding Charkhi Gardun Akbarali Sattorov. As of now, 1,600 journalists from all regions of the country belong to the Journalists’ Union.

Nevertheless, some panelists, including Khurshed Niyozov and Turko Dikaev, remarked that the Journalists’ Union remains a pro-governmental organization, and until now its managers have not visited the Southern regions of the country in order to familiarize themselves with the situation with the media employees there. Niyozov claimed that “it was the head of the Journalists’ Union who had advised the singer, Raihona, to file a petition and to bring Ovoz journalists to the court instead of advising her to resolve the conflict by filing a civil suit or requiring a public disclaimer. It is him who helps the government to smother the freedom of speech in the country.”

The youngest professional media organization, Media Alliance (45 members all over the country except for the Pamir), is engaged in the legal protection of journalists, the presentation of public statements and participation in litigations against mass media employees, including the three journalists with the Ovoz newspaper. In 2007 Media Alliance opened a memorial board in a Journalists’ complex in the capital in memory of the journalists who perished during the civil war in Tajikistan in 1992-1997. The organization also arranges for the defense of journalists prosecuted for critical articles.

At the same time, Rano Bobojanova remarked: “2007 witnessed sharp deterioration in the activities of both international and local NGOs in support of mass-media, the freedom of speech and the rights of journalists. On the one hand, this was due to the political process because “color” revolutions worsened the image of NGOs and international organizations; besides, there is no cooperation and solidarity among journalists.”

Turko Dikaev thinks that the “mass media and sponsors pay attention to journalists’ associations only when a certain media outlet or its employee needs help. Therefore, their activities rely on the financial support of international organizations. Most NGO activities practically never reach the regions, except for carrying out rare seminars and trainings only for independent journalists.”

The panelists expressed different opinions on the activities of the most prestigious NGO supporting mass media and journalists, NANSMIT. Though some participants stressed the important role of this NGO in protecting the rights of journalists and editions, others believe that the work of this organization in the current year has declined considerably, the rigorous monitoring of infringements of the rights of journalists has practically ceased, very few professional trainings and seminars were conducted. Saidumron Saidov commented that NANSMIT advocates the rights of journalists provided they receive donor support, and as of now, they do not have a professional lawyer.

In spite of the fact that training programs of the Internews Network in Tajikistan have been curbed since October 2007 due to the ending of their financial backing, all the panelists praised this organization for having made the most essential contribution not only by supplying equipment and supporting media management technologies, but also by training the staff of electronic mass media in the international standards of journalism and management.

The panelists expressed special concern regarding the professional training of journalists which had not improved during the past year. Tajikistan has one faculty of journalism and five departments of journalism with about 100 students. However, the experts commented on the low level of the graduates’ qualifications and mentioned several reasons for this. In the course of their studies, students do not receive even the most elementary computer skills, not to mention working with special software packages. The teaching of professional disciplines employs outdated methods; the course material is based mainly on the history of journalism.

Bobojanova declared: “The number of training sessions has sharply decreased, and though journalists sometimes do go to study abroad, students of departments of journalism never do. There is no surplus of journalists because graduates do not want, and many of them just cannot work in the profession. The work in mass media, especially Russian ones, has become a female occupation.”

Akhmedova noted: “The graduates of the departments of journalism, especially those who studied abroad, do not want to work in the profession. All of them are looking for jobs in international organizations where salaries are much higher.”

The experts remarked that employees of the state media outlets seldom attend seminars and trainings – their editors just do not allow them to go there. That is why there is such a sharp difference between the professional level of journalists working for independent media outlets and those in the state-run media.

This becomes obvious from the fact that independent media presents more references to authoritative and competent sources, whereas journalists with the state media outlets write in the first person, imposing their own opinions upon the reader.

Mirsaidov considers that “governmental journalists are especially weak in a genre of interview and in economic topics.” Besides, most editors of the state-run media outlets are extremely conservative and maintain the “purity of the genre.” Publications and journalistic investigations of independent authors are much closer to international standards.

There is competition among mass media outlets, both governmental and non-governmental: trying to obtain a good or promising journalist, each outlet entices him/her with higher royalties. However, none of them start selecting promising journalists while they are still studying in colleges or universities. Only the Journalists’ Union and the Tajik affiliate of the Arguments and Facts newspaper are planning to conduct training and retraining sessions in workplaces. All the panelists pointed to the disastrous situation with trainings and seminars which were not conducted anywhere except for Internews in 2007.

Discussion of the quality of the press led to a discussion of printing houses and consumables. A group of panelists noted that the monopoly of the state printing houses continues; thus, the governmental printing house Sharki Ozod still allows itself to choose, often on political grounds and a command “from above,” which editions to print, and which to reject. Most private printing shops have outdated equipment.

Khurshed Niyozov informed the panelists that “in the state printing house Sharki Ozod, the priority is always given to the governmental newspapers, and the price of paper, plates and services is 15-20 percent lower for them than for independent newspapers.” The publishing house Oila-print that belongs to the media holding with the same name, works successfully. It is characterized by reasonable prices, modern equipment and full-color printing. All the panelists remarked on the necessity to imitate Kirghizia in creating printing houses for independent newspapers in Dushanbe and regional centers – Khudzhand, Kurgan Tube and Khorog.

Panel Participants

  • Makhmadali Bakhtierov, editor, Paemi Rushon newspaper, Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province
  • Mansur Abdullaev, director, Center for Journalistic Investigations, Dushanbe
  • Negmatullo Mirsaidov, editor-in-chief, Varorud newspaper, Khudzhand, Sughd Province
  • Khurshed Niyozov, editor, Faraj newspaper; director, Center for Journalistic Investigations, Dushanbe
  • Saidumron Saidov, chairman, Association of Professional Journalists of Sughd Province, Khudzhand
  • Turko Dikaev, reporter for Asia-Plus in Khulyab, Khatlon Province
  • Tukhfa Akhmedova, chairperson, Gamkhori Press Center, Kurgan-Tube, Khatlon Province
  • Rano Bobojanova, chairperson, The Center for Gender Research; reporter for Bonuvoni Tojikiston magazine, Khudzhand
  • Farrukhsho Dzhunaydov, project director, media lawyer, Khoma, Dushanbe
  • Konstantin Parshin, National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan; freelance journalist, Dushanbe

Moderator and Author: Lidiya Isamova, RIA News, Dushanbe