IREX
International Research & Exchanges Board

Media Sustainability Index (MSI) - Europe and Eurasia

MSI Europe & Eurasia 2008

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Bosnia and Herzegovina

Introduction

Overall Country Score: 2.64

During the year 2007 the political scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) was continuously marked by a rhetoric that was contrary to the imperatives of meeting the requirements for signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union (EU). The pattern of resorting to nationalistic arguments and debates, dominant in the postwar period, has continued to pervade the whole political agenda. Due to these antagonisms, after months of negotiations, B&H failed to bring an agreement on reforms required by the European Union, the most important of which was reaching an agreement on police reform. As a result, the signing of the SAA was postponed.

These negative trends were stopped through negotiations involving representatives of six leading political parties, held on 28 October, which resulted in the singing of the Declaration on the Police Reform Process.1 The political representatives agreed to assume the obligations required for carrying out police reform without any delays. The police structure was agreed to be defined more specifically in the course of the overall process of constitutional reforms.2

This positive development was one of the main reasons for initialing the Stabilization and Association Agreement between the EU and B&H, on 4 December 2007. This step has confirmed, at least declaratively, the dedication of the B&H authorities in implementing police reform, reform of the Public Broadcasting System, and restructuring of public administration, as well as in ensuring full cooperation with The Hague Tribunal.

The aforementioned political developments have influenced the functioning of the media and have once again showed that the media market remains fragmented along ethnic lines. The ideology of irreconcilable differences among different ethnic groups and their inherently conflicting national interests was reproduced and reinforced. Several cases are particularly illustrative as they indicate the tendencies of the political structures to engage the media in promoting their political agendas.

One of the most drastic ones was a boycott of the state-wide public broadcaster BHT1 by the Government of the Republika Srpska (RS), which began on 12 January 2007. Government officials refused to give any statements to BHT1 journalists and asserted that this is a response to inadequate treatment of RS authorities, as well as all institutions and individuals from this entity of B&H in the BHT1 program. While the boycott was supported by various institutions, organizations and NGOs from the RS, others saw it as drastic, unfounded and illegal, because RS officials had not previously resorted to legal and legitimate means of expressing their disapproval of public television editorial policy (i.e. sending complaints to the Communications Regulatory Agency - CRA). The whole affair ended after the director general of BHRT and RS government representative signed an agreement on 30 January and declared that “BHT 1 will inform citizens in all of B&H objectively, timely, and impartially.” 3

The MSI panelists agreed, as in previous years, that the media sector is still a largely underdeveloped market, characterized primarily by fragmentation along ethnic lines and a large number of outlets continuing to compete in the limited market. Other most commonly cited problems are vulnerability to political pressure and lack of mechanisms that make violations of ethical standards and decline in quality of journalism less probable. The low socio-economic status of journalists was pointed out as the most prominent problem that can lead to low quality of journalism, self-censorship and corruption among journalists.

Objective 1: Freedom of Speech

Score: 3.04

The panel discussion participants mostly assert that the legal foundation, contained in the Constitution of B&H, envisages freedom of speech to the standard and in a manner comparable to its formulation in the legislation of western democratic countries. They agreed that the constitutional basis that ensures free speech is satisfactory, but several panelists indicated that legal mechanisms are not used in practice in their full capacity. Implementation of media legislation is generally inhibited by inadequate judicial protection and general approach of the public to issues related to freedom of speech. Implementation of the free speech principle is also lessened because information published in B&H media is rarely treated as a significant means of critique, almost never initiating criminal investigation against public officials and rarely producing condemnation by the general public. As one journalist put it: “Journalists are free to the extent that no one cares what they are saying and writing.”4

Fragmentation of the media was also mentioned as one of the main reasons for lack of initiatives on the part of the professional community towards expanding the boundaries of freedom of speech and improving its implementation in practice. As Boro Kontić, director of Mediacentar Sarajevo, said: “The biggest problem may lie with the media themselves, which in our country and in the general divisions…don’t want to support freedom because it’s hard for someone to speak from a position that’s not acceptable…to the majority, so this is a problem of the media, not a problem of the legislative framework.”

Nevertheless, one of the participants, Borka Rudić, Secretary General of the BH Journalists Association, emphasized that during the year 2006 and at the beginning of 2007 there were several severe attacks on freedom of speech and that the Free Media Help Line received many complaints from journalists. This is a service within the BH Journalists Association, which receives complaints from journalists and operates by placing pressure on relevant institutions and offering legal advice to journalists. The service reported receiving 43 complaints from 3 May 2006 to 3 May 2007 related to journalists’ rights and freedom of speech violations. “Journalists were seeking protection and support in the following cases: physical attacks and death threats, illegal questioning by the police, attempts to reveal their sources, confiscation of television equipment, withholding of information, boycott of journalists and PBS employees, irregular salaries“5 . In terms of implementation of principles of freedom of speech, according to Rudić, the situation was much more complex after the elections in October 2006 than in previous years. In the months after the establishment of the newly elected government of the Republika Srpska, the pressure increased considerably.

While the panelists considered criminal acts committed against journalist to be rare, it was nevertheless indicated that there were several symptomatic cases of open pressure and verbal attacks on journalists. In addition, it was signified that there are more subtle pressures on journalists, which are just as severe and should be met by decisive reaction and support of broader society in protection of journalists’ rights.

Ljiljana Zurovac, executive director of the Press Council, pointed out that there were several examples of inappropriate reaction of the RS prime minister towards the media: “Dodik has uttered so many threats this past year…. They are not harmless threats; they are specific threats and pressure, which have silenced the media [including] entire newsrooms…. In practice in the past year we have been the ‘dark country….’ In the end we will avoid writing about things where we can place ourselves in a situation of being threatened.”

The above mentioned RS Government boycott of the state-wide public broadcaster BHT1 was referred to, by Borka Rudić and Boro Kontić, as the most evident case of pressure on the media. They emphasized that the whole event was a testing ground for reproduction of divisions in the media sector along entity and ethnic lines, rather than a step towards promoting media laws and resorting to legally prescribed procedures in cases where a given content, advertisement or broadcast appears to have been biased, incorrect, offensive or harmful. The question of adequacy of reaction of the professional community and general public to cases of media pressuring was pointed out as very significant in this context. Borka Rudić pointed out that the reaction of police and other social actors to cases of media pressuring are sometimes adequate, but that very often society and the general public remain completely silent and that “there are many cases when police forces support pressure on journalists, arresting them and taking their material from them.”

The case of a physical attack on Sanjin Bećiragić, journalist of the entity-wide public service broadcaster FTV, by a police officer, in November 2007, was mentioned as a positive example when it comes to the reaction of the broader community, including authorities, NGOs and associations of journalists. The incident was publicly condemned and the officer was relieved of his duties until the conclusion of disciplinary procedure.

One of the extreme cases mentioned was a threat made to a journalist of FTV, in October 2007, when he was told that “he and his editor deserve a bullet in the forehead.” This was especially serious because the statement was made by Vitomir Popović, B&H Ombudsman on Human Rights, who alleged that critical reporting of journalists on his work contributed to the fact that he was not reelected. Borka Rudić, Secretary General of the BH Journalists Association, pointed out that death threats are criminal acts and should be publicly condemned at least. In this particular case, only the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights reacted together with several other NGOs, illustrating the general failure of B&H society to create a public climate preventing violations of media freedom and the practice of pressuring journalists. While crimes against journalists might be rare, the less visible practice of self-censorship can be more present if negative reactions of influential political or criminal circles to reporting are anticipated. Also, as Amir Zukić, Editor in Chief of RTVSA indicated, in the context of deep national divisions and hostility, even legitimate public criticism of journalists by national leaders can be interpreted as “ a call for lynch.” Lack of capacities and solidarity in confronting this kind of pressure on the part of the professional community was perceived as the most prominent problem.

However, B&H journalists did express their protest over physical threats made by Prime Minister of the Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik to Bakir Hadžiomerović, Editor of the Federal television magazine 60 Minuta. In a press release they stated that “the announcement that 'you are going to knock down Hadžiomerović if he ever appears in Banja Luka', which you publicly stated first in a meeting in Laktaši and later repeated in the Croatian television program 'Nedeljom u 2' [On Sunday at 2 pm], represents the most severe demonstration of force and an attack on the physical integrity of the journalist Bakir Hadžiomerović”6 .

The Communications Regulatory Agency (CRA) is the state agency authorized for licensing and regulating the broadcasting spectrum and the field of telecommunications. According to the panelists, this independent state body has been performing these tasks in a fair manner and with growing integrity. Dunja Mijatović, Director of the Broadcasting Division of the CRA, emphasized that CRA decisions survived being challenged in court (during the past five years there were approximately 60 lawsuits), which is a fact that clearly indicates that licensing is indeed apolitical and fair. CRA performance was especially assessed as positive compared to the experience of other countries in the region in this field.

On the other hand, the print media sector is self-regulated, in accordance with Press Code prescriptions. The Press Council, a voluntary self-regulatory body, promotes the implementation of the Code and enhancement of professional standards in B&H print media.

There is no difference between the media and other companies regarding taxation patterns. The Law on VAT envisages a single tax rate of 17 percent. Taxation was in the past challenged by the Press Council and associations of newspaper publishers, which stressed that the media should be exempted from the general taxation pattern due to their particular role in providing information in democratic society. This line of arguments is still present among journalists, who clam that VAT taxation for media demonstrates the state’s failure to acknowledge and value the particular role of the media sector in democracies. However, Senad Zaimović, General Manager of Marketing Agency Fabrika, considers it an improvement in comparison to the previous taxation scheme: “We had this problem before, this problem was reflected on the press…. The entry tax was so high…. VAT has brought stability. This is our experience both in terms of advertising and in working with electronic and print media.”

Participants did not indicate any relevant cases of preferential treatment of public media over private media.

In circumstances of evident aspirations of politicians and other influential persons in B&H public life to promote their socio-political position by controlling how they are presented in the mass media, different influences on editorial policy are possible. Editorial independence of public broadcasters is thrown into question because the members of governing boards of public broadcasters are appointed by state parliaments7 , which is a practice that raises suspicion regarding political interference in the process of making editorial decisions and preferential treatment of politicians. Amir Zukić, Editor in Chief of RTVSA, stressed that editorial independence is especially compromised because of the questionable authority of the governing board: “They tie the hands of the director general and program director…. The governing board has to have a say in everything.” In April 2007, Amir Zukić was released from the position of program editor on BHT1, soon after interviewing the RS Prime Minister and accusing him of interference in the editorial policy of BHT 1. Zukić interpreted his dismissal as evidence that his claims were true and that the Governing Board members were not impartial and apolitical, but profoundly influenced by political structures8 .

The panelists indicated that the CRA should play the role of a corrective mechanism in the process of transformation of the PBS by assessing the competence of members of editorial boards of public broadcasters. This, however, does not solve the problem, because potential candidates that could bring positive changes in this regard are discouraged by the persistence of political influence and generally do not apply for positions in governing boards of public broadcasters.

Dunja Mijatović, Director of the Broadcasting Division of the CRA, stressed that public broadcasters will not be completely impartial as long as BH parliament appoints the members of the BHRT governing board on the basis of their political, rather than professional affiliations. The same goes for possible political pressure on CRA officials, which, according to Dunja Mijatović, is present and well known.

As Borka Rudić pointed out, resistance to political interference on the part of journalists is negligible, since editors and journalists almost never resign and thereby do not initiate public debate regarding the pressure they are exposed to.

Since 2002, libel and defamation in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been fully decriminalized. According to defamation legislation, the burden of proof lies on the offended party, which must prove the existence of falsity and malice. Since the panelists' overall score for libel and defamation issues was not the maximum one, this indicates that the implementation of defamation legislation can be improved.

The Law on Freedom of Access to Information, which came into force in 2000, is supposed to oblige authorities to provide information of public interest to any citizen, including journalists. However, there are considerable difficulties in the implementation of the law. As referred to in previous MSI reports, the Law does not prescribe fines in cases of violation of the right to access public information. Public debate on the implementation of the Law, held on November 11, 2007 at Mediacentar Sarajevo, suggests that access to relevant public information is often denied, especially by public firms and educational institutions. In particular, contracts on privatization processes are held in secrecy. In addition, the panelists indicated that prolonging deadlines for providing information is a common way of bypassing legally defined provisions on access to information.

As for access to international news services, the right to follow international news is not restricted in any way. Also, there are no restrictions on entry into the journalist profession as no licensing is required. The panelists agreed that entering the journalist profession is free and without governmental pressure.

Objective 2: Professional Journalism

Score: 2.25

This was generally perceived as an objective that requires much engagement to be accomplished. Quality of journalism and compliance with accepted journalistic ethical standards have been compromised in the past several years, despite a number of educational programs that exist in B&H territory, despite a solid legal basis for media operation, and regardless of the performance of regulatory bodies. Compared to MSI scores from previous years, this year the score is somewhat lower, especially when it comes to evaluation of journalist salaries and quality of media programming. Only a few television shows, all produced by public television stations, were mentioned in a positive light (Global, BHT1; Globus, TVSA; and Paralele, FTV), in contrast to most of the media content that was evaluated as being of rather low quality.

The panelists often referred to incompetence of young journalists and lack of time and resources for professional development. Professional standards in journalism are extensively neglected, despite a relatively large number of journalist faculties and short-term educational programs. This suggests that educational programs have serious limitations and therefore do not produce journalists who are able to perform their tasks in a highly professional manner. The dynamics of media operation and the work overload often do not allow journalists to take a serious investigative approach to their tasks. For the same reason, combined with opportunism and lack of motivation, journalists who are appreciated within the professional and broader community generally do not engage in training programs for young professionals. Amir Zukić, Editor in Chief of TVSA, for example stated that “Most of the good old staff are employed with good salaries…. There is no one to teach these children. They do not teach them at the university, and when they come to a media outlet for internship, it’s not possible to put someone in charge of working with them.”

On the other hand, the balance of entertainment and informative programming is evaluated more positively. However, preferences towards entertainment programming on private broadcasters are evident, while informative programs have a marginal role in their programming policy.

The panelists indicated that ethical standards are violated on a daily basis, among which an especially common practice is using selective sources of information, without presenting opposing views on relevant issues. Reporting is often not only badly-sourced, but also, as Boro Kontić indicated, often takes the form of personal communication between journalists and other protagonists, without needed information and clarification to help the general public comprehend the issue in question.

Self-censorship, as indicated above, is a practice that is evident in the circumstances of different kinds of pressure on journalists. The results of the study “Labor Relations and Media,” conducted in B&H in 2007, showed that 18 percent of respondents considered that labor relations actually demand a certain censorship, or self-censorship, while 40 percent argued that there are occasional cases of censorship or self-censorship9 . Poor socio-economic status leads to fluctuation of some journalists into other, more profitable sectors, and on the other hand, presumably makes the practices of self-censorship more likely and more frequent. The research results show that labor rights in media outlets are frequently violated, which is partly due to complexities of postwar transition and privatization, coupled with state-building efforts. For example, 43 percent of respondents reported violations related to salary payments10 . The problem with salaries included low wages, irregular payment and minimum salaries reported to the state to reduce benefit payments for employers. Furthermore, frequently violated rights are also related to length of the working day, overall working conditions, while other violations occur less frequently. The research results also suggest that censorship and self-censorship practice is governed not only by political connections and interests but, more profoundly, by the commercial interests of media owners and companies that are attractive for marketing contracts.

Additionally, panelists indicated that resources for replacement of outdated technical equipment are insufficient and need to be enhanced. Although some steps towards digitalization have been undertaken, they are limited to a few commercial media, while in other segments the media generally linger behind the professional standards in democratic western countries. This is particularly the case with commercial television and radio stations that have small market shares. An illustrative example that was mentioned was related to problems during the transmission of video link from BHRT to the Eurosong Contest, which occurred because of incompatibility of technical equipment used by BHRT. In this context, concerns over the process of digitalization of public broadcasters were raised by most panelists. Smaller commercial broadcasters are in a better position because they can invest continuously in developing their technical capacities, while the terrestrial broadcasting systems at state public media require considerable resources for maintenance and therefore impede the start of digitalization.

Although digitalization of the broadcasting sector in B&H is one of the preconditions for meeting European standards, it is not recognized as a priority by the governments and political parties. The strategy of transition from analogue to digital broadcasting is still not developed (planned to be completed by the end of 2008/beginning of 2009) and action plans are still not defined, which leaves B&H far behind other European countries.

Objective 3: Plurality of News Sources

Score: 2.84

Overall, Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by an excessive number of media outlets. There are over 180 broadcasters functioning in the B&H media market (145 radio stations and 43 television stations). This is often considered an excessive number of electronic media outlets unsuitable for such a small market with a relatively low average income. There are three national public broadcasters (state-wide BHRT and entity-wide RTVFBIH and RTRS), several local public broadcasters and many commercial broadcasters (the major ones are OBN, Pink BH and Mreža Plus - a network of television stations).

However, the large number of media outlets does not signify that the market is plural in terms of the ability of mass media to offer diverse voices and opinions. Media owners are not immune against ethnic and political polarization in the country. Many mass media outlets are still clearly oriented towards certain political parties.11

Panelists indicated that poor socio-economic status of the vast majority of B&H citizens prevents them from using many media resources. This, combined with the habits and prevailing culture of media consumers, makes television the most available and most preferred information source. Television remains the leading source of information for the great majority of the population. When it comes to on-line media outlets, a relatively small portion of the population has Internet access. However, the Internet penetration rate is continually increasing. According to CRA data, there were 237,660 Internet subscribers in 2006, but it was estimated that the number of actual users was 950,000. CRA assesses that the internet penetration rate in 2006 in Bosnia and Herzegovina was 24.5 percent. 12

The participants pointed out that public media do not completely fulfill their role of presenting different political stances and serving public interests. Certain kinds of political pressure on public media programming were previously mentioned. In addition, the existence of a huge number of broadcasters without any apparent commercial viability raises the question of their financial resources. The fact that a large number of media outlets survives in a small market, according to Senada Ćumurović, Editor-in-Chief of BH Radio 1, leads to the conclusion that alternative sources, besides marketing income, and accompanying political and financial influence are also present. Even when they are financially sustainable and independent, media are often engaged in promotion of certain political options. However, it was repeatedly mentioned by a few panelists that the editorial independence of the entity-wide public broadcaster of the Republika Srpska, RTRS, declined last year. Amir Zukić, for instance, stated that: “RTRS was full of investigative stories…‘tearing apart’ the SDS during their four-year rule, but with the arrival of (RS Prime Minister) Dodik in power, that edge became completely blunt…moreover we have complete siding of the RTRS with Dodik’s state-creating project.” Also, the role of BHRT in serving public interests is compromised because, according to the panelists, members of the governing board who have excessive influence on editorial and programming policy are appointed by the state parliament. This is problematic considering that the operation of the state parliament is based on an ethnic principle, while professional criteria in decision-making are negligent. In other words, reflecting political views is limited to what is compatible with the political and financial interests of media owners or state institutions. However, there are no restrictions in terms of access to domestic or international media, and therefore alternative opinions can be obtained from other media sources. All independent broadcast media produce their own news programs, but they are often marginalized in favor of other media contents.

There are two major, entity-based, public agencies: FENA (B&H) and SRNA (Republika Srpska). Independent news agencies also operate in B&H, gathering and distributing news. ONASA is the major one. Independent news agency services were scored highly by the panelists.

In principle, data on court registration of every company and media outlet are accessible. Nevertheless, transparency of media ownership is not absolute, since public insight is limited to whatever has been registered. However, the actual ownership relations and financial fluctuation might significantly differ from what is declared. In this perspective, Dunja Mijatović, Director of the Broadcasting Division of the CRA, stressed that: “Who the real owners are, we as an agency can’t and needn’t know. This is also a matter for the tax administration and financial police. What is a relevant document and what should be accepted is the court registration because it’s transparent.”

Panelists signified that there is a tendency towards increasing the number, strength and share of several media conglomerates. Two conglomerates control the biggest national dailies: Dnevni Avaz and Oslobođenje. The print media were the most contested in the past in terms of violations of journalist ethics. Preferences towards certain political agendas were especially evident in election campaign coverage in the past.

There are only a few programs designed for minority groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the question of representing the interests of minority groups does not appear to be a priority in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As Dunja Mijatović, Director of the Broadcasting Division of the CRA, stated, there were no cases of complaints that ethnic minorities were not represented in the media. The presence of the languages of the constituent peoples (the three dominant ethnic groups in B&H) in the public media is the most contested issue. “If we have complaints, they mostly refer to the absence of media that use Croatian, Serbian or Bosnian language,” said Dunja Mijatović.

Objective 4: Business Management

Score: 2.50

The media market is highly fragmented. When it comes to television broadcasters, the leading position in the market was previously held by public broadcasters, but their market share has declined significantly over the past years. While three public media operators suffered a significant audience decrease during the past several years (23.7 percent in 2006), the share of foreign (neighboring) television channels has increased (33.3 percent in 2006) and the share of local/regional stations has decreased in comparison to 2004 (40.3 percent in 2006)13.

The market share increase of commercial networks is related primarily to the flourishing of the three major commercial networks in B&H, while smaller commercial broadcasters face many difficulties in struggling to survive in the limited B&H market. There are also several smaller municipal broadcasters, which are not privatized and are still receiving governmental financial support.

Mehmed Halilović, Assistant Ombudsman on Media of the Federation of B&H, stated that the media market is still insecure and that the struggle for survival of independent media is ongoing: “Independent media are barely surviving in the market. The market is fragmented, under a lot of political influence and it doesn’t guarantee a secure future to all media.”

The most important source of revenue for all three public broadcasters is the broadcast license fee (6 KM, approximately 3 EUR per month). The second important source of revenue for public outlets and the leading source for commercial outlets is advertising. According to Miklos Haraszti14 , the public broadcasting service’s budget derives 85 percent of its funds from license fees and 15 percent from advertisement revenues. It is estimated that the rate of collection is much lower than the needs of the public broadcasters require. According to the available data, the percentage of collected license fees is around 65 percent, while it is estimated that an 85 percent collection rate would secure financial sustainability for the PSBs.15 Public broadcasters attracted 43 percent of advertising revenues, while the three strongest private broadcasters drew 32 percent.16

The largest share of advertising revenues was received by several highly positioned networks – PBS, Mreža plus, Pink BH and OBN, while other, local television stations face difficulties in efforts to provide advertising revenues.

According to the CRA, the revenues of B&H television broadcasters, in the 2004 financial year, totaled around 102 million KM (approximately 52 million EUR), and remained at the same level in 2005.17 As estimated by a last year's panelist, in 2006 the revenue was seven to eight percent higher than in 2005. However, the same panelist, Senad Zaimović, General Manager of Marketing Agency Fabrika, stated this time that the B&H media market is actually stagnating: “I can say that our market is stagnating and won’t grow next year…while Serbia had a 35 percent growth this year.”

When it comes to support of advertising agencies and related industries to the advertising market, Zaimović pointed out that the market is uncertain because of inconsistent advertisement offers made by different media outlets. He stated that media outlets are often (either because of their ignorance or their financial position) forced to lower advertising rates. This of course makes the process of planning, analyzing and purchasing by marketing agencies very difficult to implement. Media outlets competing for better positioning in the market are lowering their rates. Zaimović indicated that offers for advertisers for 2008 have not yet been made in Bosnia and Herzegovina, unlike other countries in the region. Commercial stations are waiting for public media outlets to make their offers, so that they can list lower rates.

It can be presumed that the panelists’ rating of independence and reliability of broadcasting ratings and circulation figures is somewhat low because of the fact that print media circulation statistics have not yet been produced.

Panel participants indicated that advertising revenue is the key financial source for commercial media and that the key media outlets have advertising revenue balanced with their market potential. Senad Zaimović interpreted low revenue from advertisements as a reason for low production quality of broadcasters in B&H. This leaves room for foreign media, which are stronger in terms of quality of production, to hold a considerable share in the B&H market.

Panel participants agreed that independent media do not receive government subsidies, but they mentioned that there are some positive developments when it comes to financing of television programs by cantonal governments. While in previous years the criteria for selecting broadcasters for this kind of cooperation were unknown, last year several cantonal governments published tenders for production of certain programs inviting all broadcasters to participate. One example was that cantonal authorities published a tender for producing a television show for deaf people.

Introducing electronic measurements in market analysis was mentioned as an important step towards strengthening the media market, placing B&H ahead of other Southeast European countries in this regard. However, as indicated by the panelists, market research is used only by a small portion of television stations, including PBS and two commercial stations (Pink and NTV Hayat), while other broadcasters mostly fail to make use of available market data as a basis for adjusting their programming to the needs of the audience. Kenan Ćerimagić, News Editor of private NTV Hayat, stressed that this media outlet is using the results of market analysis, but he also raised the question of validity of this kind of analysis, since systematic factors, such as occupational habits or habits related to housework, are not considered. However, he does believe that adequacy of investments in certain programs can be evaluated to some extent on the basis of program ratings.

Alenko Zornija, journalist of the internet portal Pincom.info, pointed out that the possibility of precise registration of website visits and visits to specific website contents are not used by advertisers in their full capacity.

The panelists listed several agencies for analysis of program ratings (MARECO, Global Network with its subsidiary in B&H, GFK, and an agency for measuring newspaper circulation), which can be very useful in media operation. Zoran Pejičić, Editor at RTRS, expressed his belief that pressure on media by advertising agencies can be a mediator for economic lobbies. However, Senad Zaimović, General Manager of the Marketing Agency Fabrika, stated that he has no knowledge of such cases: “I don’t know of a single case of an agency conditioning advertising on any kind of program-related concession. The agency channel is very suitable for putting pressure on editorial policy and, as far as I know, there are such cases in Croatia, but there are none here, at least not with these professional agencies. Of course, a difference should be made between conditioning and lobbying; lobbying is a legitimate process.”

While there is a code for advertisers, which came into force in January 2007, two panelists indicated that the code is not precise when it comes to print media and billboard advertising. Due to the regulatory void, in print media content a clear distinction between commercial and regular content is often missing.

Objective 5: Supporting Institutions

Score: 2.55

Panelists agree that some supporting institutions do not function adequately, that professional associations are fragmented and inefficient, and that institutions fail to give substantial support to independent media. According to Senada Ćumurović, Editor of BH Radio 1: “Supporting institutions directly support certain media and there are certain media they don’t support.”

Opportunities for professional training of journalists, as well as educational programs in general, are often regarded as unsatisfactory. However, panelists mentioned several training programs that allowed journalists to further develop their professional skills. One of them is the Sarajevo-based Media Plan High College of Journalism (HCJ), which provides specialized studies in Press, Radio, Television and Web Journalism for students from South East Europe. The school was founded in 1998 within the framework of Media Plan Institute, an organization for communication projects and media development in Bosnia and Herzegovina and South East Europe. Starting from December 2005, HCJ operates in the framework of the non-governmental and non-profit association Media Initiatives from Sarajevo. The panelists also pointed out training programs organized by Mediacentar Sarajevo, namely training for media managers and short training programs for journalists in investigative journalism. Mediacentar also started a regional project called Online Journalism Resource Center18 , in cooperation with Belgrade Media Centre and the Investigative Journalism Centre from Zagreb.

Panelists indicated that the education system is characterized by hyper-production of journalists, which does not match the real needs of the media market in terms of both quality and quantity. Journalism is studied at five faculties in Bosnia and Herzegovina – two in Banja Luka and one in Sarajevo, Tuzla, and Mostar each. In practice, the media market in Bosnia and Herzegovina does not require the large number of journalists that are produced by the current education system. The panelists did not think highly of the education system and they expressed a very unfavorable opinion on the general knowledge and professional competence of the graduated journalists. Professional criteria in employment policies of media outlets have declined in the past years, compromising quality of journalism in the country.

Panelists indicated that media outlets and editors should enhance professional criteria and develop better mechanisms for professional development of young journalists. Options for gaining practical experience for journalists formally do exist, but they are limited and can offer opportunities to a very limited number of young journalists.

The Association of Electronic Media (AEM) and the Association of Newspaper and Magazine Publishers have been operating for several years and promoting the interests of their member broadcasters and print media publishers, but the overall score for operation of associations suggests that their services should be enhanced.

The right to organize independent unions in Bosnia and Herzegovina is defined by labor laws in all three jurisdictions (Federation of B&H, Republika Srpska and Brčko District) and is also guaranteed by the entity constitutions. Currently, there are three trade unions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, one for each state jurisdiction. An additional level of trade union organizing in the Federation of B&H is a confederation of these three trade unions which operates at state level.19 Composite parts of the trade unions are branch trade unions of graphic, publishing and media employees. At present, trade unions have a poor image and are often considered only as formal organizations that do not achieve substantial results in promoting the labor rights of journalists.

It is assumed that most journalists in B&H are members of one of the four journalist associations.20 According to membership data issued by the associations, 1,758 journalists are members of these organizations.21 These associations’ initiatives are separate and independent and their potential strength is diminished by the fragmentation of journalists along ethnic and regional lines. The functioning of the B&H journalist association that encompasses three separate organizations—Independent Union of Professional Journalists from Sarajevo, Association of Journalists from Mostar, and Independent Association of RS Journalists in Banja Luka—did not mean complete unification in promoting journalists’ interests. For example, a common stand of the union regarding relation between the RS Government and the PBS was not published.

When it comes to NGOs that are active in promoting free speech, they were not very vigorous in pursuing their tasks during the political pressure on journalists that characterized the past year. The most important role in this context was played by the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights. Other relevant organizations in this area are Transparency International B&H, Mediacentar Sarajevo, Centers for Civic Initiatives, Open Society Fund B&H, among others.

Sources of newsprint and printing facilities were not evaluated as politically influenced, but rather as underdeveloped. Alenko Zornija, journalist of the internet portal Pincom.info, said: “I don’t think that providers of supporting services, such as printing plants and distribution companies, impose political restrictions, but this industry in itself is relatively underdeveloped, which in my opinion is a problem.”

Panel participants

  • Dunja Mijatović, director of the broadcasting division, The Communications Regulatory Agency, Sarajevo
  • Boro Kontić, director, Mediacentar Sarajevo
  • Borka Rudić, secretary general, BH Journalists Association, Sarajevo
  • Zoran Pejičić, editor, Radio Television of Republika Srpska, Banja Luka
  • Ljiljana Zurovac, executive director, BH Press Council, Sarajevo
  • Amir Zukić, editor-in-chief, Municipality Public Broadcaster RTVSA, Sarajevo
  • Kenan Ćerimagić, news editor, Independent Television Hayat, Sarajevo
  • Senad Zaimović, general manager, Marketing Agency Fabrika, Sarajevo
  • Nevenko Erić, editor, News Agency SRNA, Bijeljina

The opinions of the following participants, who did not take part in the panel discussion, were used in preparing this report:

  • Alenko Zornija, journalist, Web Portal Pincom.info B&H, Mostar
  • Mehmed Halilović, assistant ombudsman on media, Sarajevo
  • Senada Ćumurović, editor-in-chief, Public Service Broadcaster BH Radio 1, Sarajevo
  • Leila Bičakčić, director, Center for Investigative Reporting, Sarajevo

Moderator and Author: Amer Džihana, Mediacentar Sarajevo

The Bosnia & Herzegovina study was coordinated by, and conducted in partnership with, Mediacentar Sarajevo.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions presented in the chapter on Bosnia & Herzegovina are those of the panel participants and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of Mediacentar Sarajevo.


  1. See more: http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2007&mm=10&dd=28&nav_id=269745 (accessed on January 6, 2008)
  2. See more on the police reform process in ESI report “The Worst in Class. How the International Protectorate Hurts the European Future of Bosnia and Herzegovina,” available at: http://www.esiweb.org/index.php?lang=yu&id=156&document_ID=99 (as of January 5, 2008)
  3. D. A., “Zvaničnici Vlade RS davaće izjave za BHRT,” Nezavisne Novine, January 31, 2007, article available at: http://www.nezavisne.com/vijesti.php?meni=3&vijest=5172 (accessed January 9, 2008)
  4. Čubro, Mirza, “Freedom of Speech,” Nezavisne Novine, October 25, 2008, article available at: http://www.nezavisne.com/vijesti.php?meni=18&vijest=1568 (as of January 9, 2008)
  5. Free Media Help Line press release, May 3, 2007, available at http://www.bhnovinari.ba/linija/en/?ID=47 (accessed January 9, 2008)
  6. The full press release is available at: http://www.bhnovinari.ba/en/?ID=150
  7. The highest body of the Public Broadcasting System is the Board, comprising 12 members,
    (four members from each public broadcaster: BHRT, RTFBiH and RTRS). The House of Representatives of the BiH Parliament selects and appoints members of the Governing Board of PBS, from a short-list of candidates, submitted by the Communications Regulatory Agency; Source used: T. Jusić, “The Media in Civil Society” in Democracy Assessment in BiH . Fond otvoreno društvo BiH, 2006
  8. Interview with Amir Zukić, START magazine, April 16, 2007, available at: http://www.startbih.info/Default.asp?broj=218&ID=153 (accessed January 6, 2008)
  9. Hodžić, Sanela. Labor Relations and Media, p. 17, available at http://www.media.ba/mediacentar/documents/Labour%5Fand%5FMedia%5Freport%5FBiH%2Epdf (accessed January 9, 2008)
  10. Ibid, p. 8
  11. As indicated in: HCHR Report on the Status of Human Rights in FBiH, Analysis for the period January - December 2006, available at http://www.bh-hchr.org/Reports/reportHR2006.htm#top (as of January 5, 2008)
  12. User is defined as an individual aged 16 to 74 who uses the Internet during the year; data from Annual Survey of Holders of CRA Licenses for Provision of Internet Services in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2006, pp. 3-4, available at http://www.cra.ba/en/depts/observ/msword/ISP%20Izvjestaj%202006%20ENG.doc (accessed January 9, 2008)
  13. Remaining shares in 2006: satellite TV channels 2.7 percent. Source used: Report MIB – BiH Gallup International “Mjerenje gledanosti TV stanica 2002 - 2006” [Measurement of Ratings of TV stations 2002-2006]
  14. Ibid.
  15. See: BHRT “Public Radio and Television Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina Business Report for 2006,” March 2007, p. 1
  16. Communications Regulatory Agency, 2005, p. 73 (Assessment for 2005 based on data for the first half of the year)
  17. Communications Regulatory Agency, 2005, p. 73 (Assessment for 2005 based on data for the first half of the year)
  18. Information available at http://www.netnovinar.org/netnovinar/compiled/p437.htm (as of January 6, 2008)
  19. See information published on the official site of the Trade Union of FBiH, at http://www.sindikatbih.ba/sssbih.asp (as of August 10, 2007)
  20. See information on the official site of the BH Novinari association, http://www.bhnovinari.ba/?ID=29 (as of January 6, 2008)
  21. Ibid.