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In Memoriam: Abshir Ali Gabre
In Memoriam: Abshir Ali Gabre

MSI Africa 2006-2007

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Somalia

INTRODUCTION

Overall Score: 1.68

In the aftermath of the fall of Somalia’s military regime, privately owned media outlets were established in 1991 after 21 years of a state monopoly on the media. Belligerent clan factions founded radio stations to advance their propaganda, mislead the public, and inflame hostilities against other clan sects. Ordinary citizens set up a print media that compared favorably to the radio stations of the warlords, although the new print journalists were unskilled and their reports rarely met professional standards. During this time, rival political groups failed to implement several peace agreements that they reached abroad. The anarchy spread into almost every region—except the northwest, which divided the country by declaring independence from Somalia.

In early 2000 privately owned radio stations grew rapidly and TV stations began broadcasting. Now more than 60 newspapers are produced in major cities. Many online media emerged and hundreds of people joined the journalism profession, albeit without adequate training. The Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) now oversees the parliament and government and guarantees freedom of media and information. The ongoing media law development process is consulted by all concerned parties, including the transitional government, the media community, and civil society members.

In spite of the establishment of numerous private media, the multifaceted crisis of politics, economy, security, and governance in Somalia presents severe challenges. Local journalists have paid a heavy price for reporting on Somalia’s long-standing conflict, as fatal attacks orchestrated by powerful elites on members of the press have increased. Financial problems also plague the media, creating a dependence on politically minded sponsors. The number of journalists is increasing but the profession is compromised by their low skill levels. Media owners have little interest in credible journalism, and the panelists noted that while the working environment of journalists and electronic media professionals may have changed, the public’s interests are not being served.

In this first study of Somalia for the MSI, the overall average of 1.68 reflects a mix of low scores for free speech and business management, slightly higher scores for professional journalism and plurality of news, and a better score for supporting institutions. In general, instability in Somalia creates a number of serious challenges. Whether certain advantages enjoyed by the media—and allowed by a weak government—are entrenched cannot yet be determined.
Events that have transpired since the MSI panel discussion, such as the attack on Radio Shabelle in September 2007, could be a sign that the state of media will suffer further as the government becomes stronger. These developments will be tracked in the 2008 edition of the MSI for Somalia.

Objective 1: Free Speech

Score: 1.36

In general, the legal underpinnings of freedom of the press in Somalia are fragile. A few of the indicators somewhat brought up the average for Objective 1, but the higher scores are limited because insufficient time has passed in order to indicate sustainability. The weakness of the government allows for a certain amount of media freedom, but that freedom might not withstand a stronger government that intends to consolidate power in the near future.

The MSI panel recognized that freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of thought in the country are harshly curtailed and are becoming even more threatened. Abdiqani Sheik Mohamud, news editor of Radio Jowhar, said, “Freedoms of press and of speech are important foundations for a democratic nation, but virtually, our country [both the government and public] has slight respect for these freedoms, and we as media people must devise ways to prevent such practices of oppression. I strongly believe that media can protect freedom of speech and freedom of press.”

Article 20 of the TFC guarantees freedom of the press and independent media in accordance with the law. The process of developing a media law started in Baidoa, when three Ministry of Information lawyers wrote the first draft. The draft fell short of international free expression standards, containing ambiguities that would permit the government to clamp down on media freedom. Following discussions with the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and other media representatives, the Ministry of Information allowed full consultations with media and civil society groups regarding the process of developing a media law that adheres to international norms of freedom of expression. A task force composed of representatives of the government, media, and civil society was appointed to carry out necessary consultations and align the current draft to international standards. Generally, the government has been receptive to the suggestions of the task force.

The panel noted that although all of these concerted efforts are continuing, clauses in article 20 of the TFC have not been applied and protections for media independence are ignored or not enforced. Further, the Somali government does not have the strength to widely enforce laws promoting free speech and protecting the media, even if it were willing to do so fully.

Members of the media suffered several severe attacks in 2006, and four journalists have been killed in 2007, making this the most fatal year for journalists in a decade. Political groups, the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), regional administrations, clan militias, and independent outlaws knowingly target journalists. No perpetrator has ever been brought to justice for offenses against journalists, which encourages repeat attacks. The lack of protection also causes fear and self-censorship in the media community, according to the participants of the panel. In Somaliland, for example, the media law states that libel cases shall be addressed in civil courts, but this year four journalists of the Haatuf daily newspaper were charged with slandering the family of the president and tried under the penal code. In 2005, Abdi Farah Nur, editor-in-chief of Shacab newspaper in Puntland, was charged with defaming the Puntland president, found guilty under the penal code of Somalia, and jailed.

Somalia’s private media outlets, especially the print media, have increased rapidly after the ousting of the military regime in 1991. Throughout the 1990s, broadcast media outlets were owned or dominated by clan warlords. However, privately run electronic media mushroomed in early 2000. In Mogadishu and much of the southern and central regions of Somalia, either no license is required or no official body issues licenses. To date, this has not resulted in overlapping frequencies. Given the relatively small number of stations operating, broadcast frequencies have not yet become a scarce resource. In Puntland, the Puntland Ministry of Information provides broadcast media with licenses, and does so apolitically. In Somaliland, the authorities restrict issuing licenses for private broadcast media. As a result, it has no private radio stations; however, two private television stations were awarded licenses to operate. Somaliland’s 2004 media law enables the establishment of private media, including broadcast outlets, but this provision remains unimplemented.

In south-central regions, market entry is free and media pay no taxes. In Puntland, the marketplace is open and media owners pay reasonable taxes in line with other commercial enterprises. Newspapers in Somaliland pay fair taxes, and formation of newspaper publishing companies is not limited by any regulatory scheme. Entry into the journalism profession is not regulated by any of the governments.

Journalists are struggling to include in the current draft of the media law clauses guaranteeing editorial independence. Panel participants stated that leading Mogadishu broadcast media outlets (such as Shabelle Media Network, Simba Radio, and Radio Banadir) have adopted policies enabling editors to make independent decisions on news reports without any other interference. Somali Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), the leading radio and television network in Puntland, also has editorial freedom from political and commercial interferences and is managed by media professionals.

Throughout Somalia, local and national authorities do not seek to provide information to the media. No particular laws guarantee access to information. However, when asked for information, officials will typically provide comment, and they do not show significant favoritism for particular outlets. The media establishments also have access to news and information from international news media organizations and other media organizations based outside Somalia.

Objective 2: Professional Journalism

Score: 1.76

During MSI discussions, participants observed that professional media have a vital role to play in peace-building efforts, establishing effective governance, and developing a democratic system in Somalia. But in most cases, the news delivered to the public lacks credibility.

According to the panel, the quality of news reports and programs is low because no code of ethics is established and no editorial policies or laws that guarantee editorial freedom are in place. Many reporters barely differentiate facts, biased comments, and speculation, the panel agreed. Thus, the media are not fully aware of their own responsibility even as they seek protection of freedom of the press and freedom of expression.

In Somalia, including Somaliland, a growing number of young journalists are joining the profession despite the unparalleled risks they face. High turnover, cheap labor, nepotism, and unscrupulous owners taking advantage of inexperienced journalists all contribute to the tainted reputation of the media in certain cases. Some news reports are not well sourced and are not based on sound evidence. Several media outlets compel their reporters to file at least two to three news reports each day, and if they do not, their daily salaries are lowered. This policy forces reporters to compromise honesty in their news reporting and to make groundless assumptions, the panel noted.

With regard to reporting, discussants cited the longstanding problem of always depending on a single source of information. Some media outlets fail to reveal sources due to a wish of not promoting that source. Organizations and individuals rarely get a right to respond to allegations in the media, as the allegations are often deliberate and malicious and based on the personal or political interests of the media owners. Finally, there is no specialty reporting (such as economic or health), and investigative reporting is not undertaken, out of either fear of retribution or lack of training. Participants stated that the quality of journalism in Somalia could benefit most from training in covering stories and better production techniques.

Mohammed Abdi Farah of Somalinet.com said, “Somali media mustremain independent of enthroned interests or outside influences, with the result that media will freely discharge news, information, debates, and critical comments on society and will allow different viewpoints to be expressed.”

Mohammed Ibrahim of the Somali Forum for Freedom of Expression said, “We need media that can impart news and information without partiality, and such media must also show fairness in dealing with news and sources of information.”

The people of Somalia have dissimilar standpoints on how members of the media adhere to journalistic values of fairness, balance, diversity, and reliability. The majority of the public puts more trust in the news and information from international broadcasters than from local media on the basis of accuracy and soundness, the MSI panel agreed.

Since the conflict between UIC and the defeated Alliance of Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism ignited in early 2006, bitter hostilities have grown between TFG and UIC. Subsequently, journalists and editors began to exercise self-censorship as a way to protect themselves. For example, journalists operating in UIC-controlled areas censored their reports so as not to be critical of UIC, while those stationed in Baidoa avoided criticism of the TFG. Journalist Abdullahi Yasin Jama of Radio Warsan, who reported the presence of Ethiopian troops on Somalia soil, was jailed in Baidoa by the TFG because of that report.

At its general assembly in 2004, the NUSOJ adopted a professional code of conduct but some media managers and owners refused to provide their media outlets with this code, fearing it was the first step toward unionization. The panel said that most journalists cover key events, but the news reports of some journalists working with particular media outlets cover events unfairly to satisfy the political dispositions of the managers and owners of these outlets. Sometimes the entire event will not be covered, but typically another media outlet with an opposing viewpoint will cover it.

“Journalists try to do what they think is best, but they are rarely acquainted with what is right and what is wrong,” said Mohammed Shiil Hassan of Radio Simba.

Somali journalists are poorly paid professionals. Monthly salaries range from $18 to $300, with a tiny fraction of media workers paid in the top range. Poor salaries encourage corruption in the news media; bribes paid to journalists, called sharuur or duub in Somali, are considered vital to making a living.

The panel pointed out that entertainment programs do not eclipse news and information put out by the media. The broadcast media in Mogadishu are technologically advanced in comparison to those in other regions, but print media in Hargeisa in Somaliland have more technical facilities then those in Mogadishu or regions in Puntland. The panel noted that SBC in Bossasso has high quality technical facilities.

Objective 3: Plurality of News Sources

Score: 1.81

Some Somalis have access to a large number of news sources, the panel agreed, but scores were negatively affected because the choice for news is severely limited outside of Mogadishu, Hargeisa, Bossasso, and some other large cities. Furthermore, throughout the country, poor economic conditions impact the average consumer’s ability to access many types of news and the local media’s ability to deliver news.

Discussants noted that because the majority of media outlets are based in Mogadishu, its residents have more varied sources of news and information than residents of other regions. “A significant number of media outlets in Mogadishu enable[s] people in Mogadishu to participate in the political process more than people in other regions,” said Qamar Salad Omar, chairperson of the Somali Women Journalists Association.

Most of the radio stations are FM and cannot reach rural areas, the discussants said. Residents in rural villages and districts rarely receive information from newspapers because they rely on oral traditions and buying print media is cost prohibitive, according to the panel. The panel observed that residents of rural villages admired how Shabelle Media Network addressed the droughts affecting southern regions in early 2006 by sending a team of reporters to highlight malnutrition and starvation in these regions. Although information was hard to come by, their story was being told in the capital.

People in densely populated areas have access to both domestic and international media. Across the country, including Puntland and Somaliland, more than 20 radio stations consisting of private and public broadcasters provide news and information. More than 60 daily, weekly, and monthly newspapers are published in major cities. Five television stations currently operate. People also receive news and current affairs from international broadcasters such as VOA, Al-Jazeera, BBC, and RFI. Where they exist, state-run media outlets are little more than mouthpieces for the government. There is no community radio as such. No radio stations operate in rural areas, and in urban areas, radio stations are commercially oriented.

Foreign news agencies gather news, and the local media distribute this information at times. However, there is no local news agency. Private radio and television stations produce their programs in-house and gather their own local news. Somali nationals own all the local media outlets, the panel said; there is no foreign investment. Generally, media ownership is transparent, if politically driven, and the public judges the information disseminated by the media accordingly. Most media outlets strive to present a broad spectrum of different interest groups. But often, because of their political ties or viewpoints, media owners prevent the dissemination of information regarding certain politicians or civil society groups by their outlets.

Objective 4: Business Management 

Score: 1.21

This objective scored the lowest of the five for Somalia and reflects difficult economic conditions; a lack of business experience by the top journalists who run the individual media outlets; and in some cases, the intent to use media outlets for political advocacy rather than as profit-generating businesses.

Although media outlets are mushrooming in Somalia, the business side of media is not effective or resourceful, the panel said. Most media outlets have sole proprietors. They operate in small markets in which they strongly compete to gain customers and offer discounts in order to attract and keep new advertisers. For the electronic media, employees are designated as marketers to sell advertisements. But many print media outlets have small staff, so owners, managers, editors, and/or senior journalists will sell advertisements. Most news media outlets, particularly the print media, face threats of financial insolvency; print media do not attract advertisers as readily as the electronic media. Media outlets in the country are not directly sponsored by political groups; however, the TFG owns two radio stations that are financially weaker than the private radio stations. Newspaper profits are also undercut by vendors making and selling hundreds of copies of publications for the price of one copy of the publication. “The vendors are forced to do this so that they can earn their daily bread,” said Mohamed Abdi Farah of somalinet.com.

The coverage of radio stations is between 30 and 90 km, while the circulation of newspapers is tiny: between 500 and 2000 copies each. Television stations cover a maximum 30 km, except Universal TV, which covers the whole country. Despite its low penetration, radio is still the number one source of information and has the best prospects for advertising revenue.

Large numbers of media outlets are unable to pay salaries of their employees on a regular basis. “Our revenues largely come from advertisements, but are not adequate to cover producing [the] newspaper [or] pay administrative costs and payments for the staff,” said Abdi Adan Guled, editor-in-chief of Xog-Ogaal daily newspaper.

Private media outlets were established to generate income, but ultimately, most serve political purposes and profit does not determine longer-term viability. The primary source of income for the private media is advertising, and some media outlets also are supported by foreign donor organizations. But the pool of possible income is severely limited. For example, radio stations charge around $10 per minute, and approximately 50 merchandisers place advertisements in the media. Circulation is woefully low, and design and layout of print media is substandard. Media staff design advertisements or receive them from the merchandisers; there are no advertising agencies that independently produce ads on behalf of clients. Many electronic media do not deliver high-quality products.

Media managers have few of the leadership skills necessary to run their outlets efficiently, such as developing clear missions, policies, and procedures; and they have difficulty establishing strong ties with advertising clients. Neither do they have business skills such as knowledge of accounting methods or use of business plans and annual budgets. Most media managers do not have the ability to work cooperatively with other media outlets in order to share best practices or attain joint goals that would create a more favorable media climate.

Broadcast ratings and circulation figures of newspapers are not produced. While there is no market research or audience surveying, some advertisements are tailored to specific programs that draw a high level of interest. For example, advertisers with Radio Shabelle in Mogadishu want their advertisements to be aired during the widely listened-to drama Qoomamo (Ruefulness).

Objective 5: Supporting Institutions

Score: 2.23

Despite the difficult conditions in Somalia generally and those afflicting the media specifically, a dedicated cadre of individuals work to support the development and ongoing operation of the media sector. Their efforts are reflected in the score for this objective—the highest of the five for this year’s MSI for Somalia.

NUSOJ is a journalists’ trade union that endeavors to defend and promote journalists’ rights, freedom of the press, and editorial independence. In addition to issuing alerts on violations of press freedom and representing the labor interests of journalists, NUSOJ also actively protects media professionals. For example, in April 2007 the head of Universal TV and an accompanying journalist and camera operator were arrested for asking a critical question of the Somali president. NUSOJ lobbied the government and rallied the international community behind the cause, and the three were released.

The Somali Independent Newspapers Association brings together owners of newspapers in Mogadishu but typically does not engage in lobbying activities. The Somali Women Journalists Association promotes and protects interest of women journalists. The East Africa Media Institute’s Somalia chapter promotes media freedom and builds professional capacity of media professionals. The Somaliland Journalists Association unites media executives and journalists in Somaliland. In Puntland, however, authorities outlawed the creation of new media associations and now require authorization for conferences or other public events regarding the media, although these restrictions are applied irregularly.

International and local NGOs are actively engaged in supporting the media in Somalia. Several universities announced the launch of faculties of journalism or their intention to establish an academy of mass media and communications, but to date they have made little movement and the pool of potential professors is limited. In-house and short-term journalism training programs have helped some new and mid-career journalists to gain professional skills, but many of the programs are fragmented, and given the turnover rate as journalists seek more lucrative and safer opportunities, the training programs do not achieve significant impact overall. In general, the panel felt that journalism training programs in the country are lacking coherence and are not tailored to the basic needs of journalists, and the duration (three to five days) is viewed by journalists as insufficient.

The businesses that support the media are in private hands and do not exercise political favoritism. Sources of newsprint and other printing materials are freely accessible by newspapers and magazines. The printed press is generally sold by street vendors, and no established distribution company controls the sale of publications.

Panel Participants

  • Mohammed Amin Sheik Adow, deputy director, Shabelle Media Network, Mogadishu
  • Mohammed Abdi Farah, reporter, Somalinet, Mogadishu
  • Qamar Salad Omar, chairperson, Somali Women Journalists Association, Mogadishu
  • Mohammed Shiil Hassan, deputy director, Simba Radio, Mogadishu
  • Abdi Adan Guled, editor-in-chief, Xog-Ogaal Newspaper, Mogadishu,
  • Abdiqani Sheik Mohamud, news editor, Radio Jowhar, Jowhar
  • Sahro Mohammed Ali, assistant editor, National Post Newspaper, Mogadishu
  • Mohammed Ibrahim isak, secretary, Somali Forum for Freedom of Expression, Mogadishu
  • Fahad Mohammed Abukar, newscaster, Warsan Radio, Baidoa
  • Iidle Moallim, director, Puntland Journalists Club, Bossasso
  • Sahro Abdi Ahmed, executive member, Jubba Independent Journalists Association, Kismayu
  • Abdulkadir Mohammed, producer, Radio Darban, Beledweyne, Hiran Region

Moderator: Ali Moallim Isak, organizing secretary, National Union of Somali Journalists

Observer: Omar Faruk Osman, secretary general, National Union of Somali Journalists

In Memoriam: Abshir Ali Gabre

In Memoriam: Abshir Ali Gabre

Radio Jowhar journalist Abshir Ali Gabre, 35, was killed on May 15, 2007 in the Middle Shabelle Region of central Somalia. He was riding in the convoy of the regional governor, on his way to cover the governor’s mediation in a land dispute, when the group came under fire from clan militias. His colleague, Ahmed Hassan Mahad, was also killed in the attack.

Abshir was a talented journalist who was determined to tell Somalia’s untold stories. He covered Somali political news and strove to report on the many conflicts within the country. He had previously been subjected to the dangers of being a journalist in Somalia, having endured a number of arrests and threats. Earlier in 2007, in the company of five other journalists, militiamen stopped the journalists’ vehicle on their way to Beledweyne and stole their digital cameras, mobile phones, and pocket money. He had worked with Radio Jowhar since its establishment in 1997. He was twice elected to be member of the Supreme Council of the National Union of Somali Journalists and led the union’s branch in the Shabelle Region. He had also volunteered to be on the Somalia MSI panel. Abshir is survived by his wife and one child.