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MSI Africa 2008

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Mali

Introduction

Overall Country Score: 1.97

Situated in the heart of the semi-arid grasslands of the Sahel, Mali was led from 1968 to 1991 by Moussa Traoré, who was brought to power by a military coup ending the so-called socialist regime of Modibo Keita. After Traoré’s overthrow on March 26, 1991, a democratic regime was put in place in the northwest African nation and the first free elections were organized.

With this opening to pluralism, freedom of the press and of expression within the Malian media landscape has steadily improved. Today there are more than 200 independent newspapers, about 40 of which appear more or less regularly. However, with the exception of L’Essor, which has national coverage, the other newspapers are distributed only in Bamako. Almost 220 radio stations broadcast in FM throughout the nation. There are 17 radio stations in the Bamako district alone, while the rest of them are in the inland territory. The region of Segou enjoys the widest variety, with 26 stations. Other than the national television channel, urban Malians also receive almost 150 cable channels offered by rebroadcast organizations.

Despite the media proliferation in Mali, there are still problems. Mali’s media legislation is officially favorable, although in reality the political will to keep it so is less and less tangible. Media operate in a difficult economic environment, and well-trained professionals are the exception rather than the rule. These problems greatly influence the quality of newspapers and radio programming, which in the latter case appears to favor entertainment.

Panelists provided a moderately lower assessment of the overall media picture this year, as the score dropped from 2.16 to 1.97. Objective 1, Freedom of Speech, led all objectives with a score of 2.37, despite a loss of 0.28 compared to last year. Objective 4, Business Management, again scored the lowest of the five objectives, but gained slightly to achieve a score of 1.62. The other three objectives scored near the overall country score, but of note is the fact that Objective 3, Plurality of News, and Objective 5, Supporting Institutions, both suffered moderate losses.

Objective 1: Freedom of Speech

Score: 2.37

Objective 1 experienced a noticeably worse assessment from the panelists compared to last year, falling from 2.65 to 2.37. Four indicators accounted for much of the loss: Indicator 3 (market entry), Indicator 4 (attacks on journalists), Indicator 8 (media access to foreign news reports), and Indicator 9 (free entry into the journalism profession). However, Indicator 7 (access to public information) improved somewhat. Most of the indicators ended up with scores near the overall objective score, with the exceptions of Indicator 4, which was just more than a half-point lower, and Indicator 9, which—despite its loss this year—received a score slightly more than a half-point higher.

The Malian constitution formally guarantees freedom of expression, including freedom of the media. Article 4 declares: “Every person has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, belief, opinion, expression, and creation within the confines of the law.” Article 7 states: “The freedom of the press is recognized and guaranteed. It is exercised under the conditions provided for by the law. An independent institution regulated by organic law ensures equal access for all to the state media.” These freedoms are exercised within limits set by legislation and regulations.

Mali’s media law—Number 00-46/AN-RM of 2000—addresses the nature of the press and regulates freedom of expression. The law does not protect speech inciting racial, national, or religious hatred or murder.

The MSI panelists recognized that recently there have been setbacks to freedom of the press in Mali. Overzealous or insensitive public officials have assaulted journalists as they were doing their work. There are means to appeal such acts but in general victims do not use them. There are also social and cultural prohibitions which limit free speech.

While there are some 220 radio stations broadcasting throughout the country, the commission that awards broadcast frequencies lacks diverse membership. Because of this, some panelists accused it of preferential treatment for some applicants as a result of political pressure. Among other requirements, the applicant must be a Malian national who is committed to using the license within the national territory and who must observe a set of terms and conditions. Frequencies are granted according to a planning logic that is unclear to many. Isaie Somboro, the permanent secretary of the Union of Independent Radio and Television Stations of Mali, said the committee meets just twice a year to decide on applications, which is too infrequent. That being the case, politicians with connections find other means to obtain their broadcast licenses. The government has determined that laws concerning broadcast licensing must be revised.

Officially, the media have no specific tax advantages. In reality, some media outlets are not taxed like other businesses. Sometimes the authorities use taxation to blackmail newspapers that are considered too critical. There are no restrictions on incorporating a media company. But media supplies and equipment are subject to taxes imposed by importers and often paid out of ignorance. Media executives would prefer to work with an investment code and a tax system that relate to their specific businesses.

In terms of the safety, Seydou Baba Traoré, the director of the national radio station, said journalists are citizens just like any other and are protected by the law against criminal offenses. Malian journalists work and live in a safe environment where they can feel confident. Although, as mentioned above, there is the odd harassment of journalists, they are seldom victims of serious assaults, and when it happens they can always count on the support of the public.

The Office of Radio-Television Mali (ORTM), the public broadcaster, and the Malian Press and Publicity Agency, the government news service, were created by the state and granted “public institution” status with administrative functions. No law guarantees their independence.

Officially, the public media are relatively free from excessive political interference, though they do receive a state subsidy. Their boards of trustees are chaired by the minister of communications, who represents certain political interests. Their directors are appointed by government decree upon the recommendation of the minister of communications. These media have privileged access to government information.

Under the nation’s press law, libel is a criminal offense. It is up to the journalist to prove they did not commit libel, rather than it being the plaintiff’s burden to prove it. It is rare for Malian journalists to go to prison, as cases rarely come before a judge. When that does happen, the case is usually settled by mutual consent.

Law 98-012 of 1998 sets out legal limits to public access to government information. Administrative documents such as files, reports, studies, statistical reports, guidelines, or fliers are freely accessible. Documents that cannot be accessed include those that may be damaging to secret governmental proceedings, national defense or foreign political secrets, or to state security and public safety. Also exempt from disclosure are secrets of private lives, medical files, or, in general, information that is protected by law.

The existence of this law is not widely known, which is why journalists usually do not go through official channels, but rather contact the administration informally. According to Traoré, first-hand information is initially provided to international, rather than local, media. Aware of these shortcomings, the government’s institutional development committee is now conducting an awareness-raising campaign regarding this law to ensure it is better applied.

Access to international news is free. The Malian media have access to the Internet, which has become an important source of free, diverse news. The Internet is a relatively affordable urban phenomenon. That is not the case in the rural areas, where it is a luxury.

The media law defines a journalist as “a person who has a journalism degree or other university degree augmented by one year of professional experience, and whose main paid activity is the gathering, processing, and distribution of news and information within a public or private, written or audio-visual media outlet.” A government decree created a press card committee that is in charge of issuing and withdrawing press cards. The government does not influence access to the profession, and journalists are free to organize themselves to protect their interests.

Objective 2: Professional Journalism

Score: 1.85

Objective 2 showed no overall change this year, although a few indicators received different scores from the panelists compared to last year. Indicator 1 (fair and well-sourced reporting) edged upward, while Indicator 3 (self-censorship) and Indicator 4 (coverage of key events) both lost some ground. Most indicators scored near the overall objective score. However, Indicator 5 (pay levels for journalists) remained the lowest scoring indicator, trailing by more than three-quarters of a point, while Indicator 8 (niche and investigative reporting) was slightly more than half a point higher. Indicator 4, despite slipping, was again the highest-scoring indicator, beating the average by nearly a point.

Journalists working in the private press in particular do not check for accuracy of the news they print or broadcast. Ramata Dia, director of the women’s radio station Guintan, believes that things are improving, as some journalists have started to check facts with whatever means are available to them.

The lack of professionalism, which leads to politicians trying to manipulate journalists, is apparent in the quality of the stories. The angle for stories is often slanted to accommodate outside influences. Despite such defects, efforts are made to cover every field of interest in order to produce news.

Malian journalists created their own rules of behavior and code of ethics in 1991, during the first information and communication convention in Bamako, where almost 500 Malian and other African journalists gathered. The Observatory for Deontology and Ethics in the Press was created in 2002 for self-regulation. Journalists do not observe this ethical code, mainly because they do not know it and thereby commit all sorts of abuses. Many go as far as breaching the journalistic esprit de corps by attacking other journalists in order to defend politicians.

In general, Malian journalists practice self-censorship for social, cultural, and economic reasons. Journalists who are subjected to social pressure as a result of a story may be forced to suppress it. Often managers censor a news item they deem to not be in keeping with their editorial policy.

News coverage decisions are made according to the interests of the respective media. Also, journalists cannot disclose information protected by law Number 98-012 of 1998, which regulates the release of government information to the public. Some social issues do not get addressed in the media. “I am not persona non grata in Menaka,1 but I am not welcome there either, because I did several reports on slavery, which is a flourishing phenomenon in the area,” said Gamer Dicko, a reporter with L’Essor, the state-owned national daily newspaper.

On the issue of adequacy of pay, journalists are tempted by corruption due to low salaries that fall short of the cost of living as well as social and cultural practices. “Granted that salaries are small, that still does not justify the instructions [on how to cover the matter] that journalists are handed during press conferences and other meetings in order to receive per diem allowances,” said Diaby Makoro Camara, managing director of the news-in-brief weekly Kabako. Many young journalists enter the profession expecting to move on to better things once they have gained some experience.

The balance between entertainment and news and information depends on the individual media outlet. For example, the national radio station, ORTM, tries to offer diverse programs with its limited means, but it is not able to meet the demands of listeners and viewers. Local radio stations program cultural shows for 70 percent of their air time. Despite the scarceness of qualified on-air talent, some media make efforts to host political debates and address other topics of interest.

The Mali media do not have adequate equipment and technical facilities. They use obsolete installations, with the exception of the national radio and a few other private radio stations in the capital that have state-of-the-art technology. The inland stations still work with obsolete analog and rudimentary equipment. This impacts both production and efficiency.

In terms of niche reporting and programming, a few journalists produce good work in an environment where the needs of minority populations are often lost. Efforts are made to produce quality work. Malian journalists are generalists, and typically only the print media can focus on field reports and investigations. There is, however, an increasing number of journalist specialists providing quality reporting.

 

Objective 3: Plurality of News

Score: 2.09

Objective 3 suffered the largest drop of the five objectives, down from 2.51 last year. Much of the loss came from three indicators receiving lower scores: Indicator 2 (citizen access to media), Indicator 5 (private broadcasters produce their own news), and Indicator 7 (coverage of minority issues). Regarding Indicator 2, despite its lower score it still finished nearly three-quarters of a point higher than the overall objective score; all other indicators scored close to the overall score.

There are a variety of news sources, but they are concentrated in large urban centers. In the rural areas, the main news source is the radio, given the difficulty of access to other media. Mali is covered by 220 private radio stations, plus the national radio network and its seven regional stations. The written press is largely in French and concentrated in urban areas, with some 40 newspapers, among them the national daily newspaper and other publications, some in local languages, including Bamanan, Peul, Soninke, and others for the rural areas. The government has not yet enforced its monopoly with respect to television as Africable, a private television station, is up and running.

The relay of foreign radio and television programs is still unregulated and unrestricted in Mali. Three relaying companies, MaliVision, Canal+, and Canal Horizon, offer encrypted foreign television channel packages. There are also three foreign radio programs fully or partially relayed. The Internet is quickly developing as an urban phenomenon, but access to the Internet is still limited. In the rural areas, lack of electricity is a major impediment.

The public media often look more like governmental media due to the strong influence of the executive branch. However, efforts are being made to ensure the public media reflect all social and political interests in the country. In general, the public media are open to alternative points of view. The national committee for free access to state media is in charge of making that happen. The terms and conditions of ORTM force the national radio station to meet its public service mission. The public media have their own programming initiatives, but they are often accused of favoring institutional information.

The Malian Press and Publicity Agency (known by its French acronym AMAP) is the only news agency in Mali. It is a public agency and the main provider of national news for various publications. AMAP covers the entire country. Other agencies used by newspapers are international agencies such as Pana, AFP, or Reuters.

Despite not having top-notch personnel, community radio stations do air their own news productions that address the needs of local populations. More established commercial stations work with professionals to produce high-quality national programs

As to transparency of ownership, the press law does not force media owners to disclose their identities. As a result, the financial sources of the private press are shielded from view. Some newspapers are suspected of being mere businesses for politicians. There are, of course, radio networks or press holdings here and there, but they are far from being a part of financial conglomerates.

In the programs and pages of the Malian press, a large spectrum of social interests is represented. The community radio shows reflect the social, economic, and cultural realities of the various localities they serve. The shows of ORTM are broadcast in both local and national languages.

Objective 4: Business Management

Score: 1.62

The score for business management improved slightly this year but still falls within the “unsustainable mixed system” category. Most indicator scores showed little change, except for Indicator 6 (use of market research). Further, only Indicator 5 (government subsidy of private media) scored noticeably apart from the overall objective score, exceeding it by more than three-quarters of a point.

In Mali the media function more as small-scale, traditional businesses rather than efficient, professional companies. They have been created by private individuals with very few resources. The government has not developed an investment code tailored to the media’s specific niche.

Generally the media are not profitable, their accounting is poorly done, and they lack qualified personnel. With no external funding and a very slim financial base, they can hardly manage a profit while paying their bills. The distribution network for print media is inefficient, as print runs are insignificant. And printing is uncertain, as publishers do not always have the means to pay for print runs.

The Malian government provides direct public support to the media. However, it is considered insufficient. Street sales and advertising are additional revenue sources, but they do not earn as much profit as other sources. “A self-funding source such as a license fee is not accepted by politicians,” Traoré said.

There is no advertising market apart from the state, because business people usually do not advertise due to fear or ignorance, said Tiégoum Boubèye Maïga, general manager of Algaïta Communication agency. AMAP has the state advertising monopoly, but it allows the functioning of private communication and advertising agencies outside the boundaries of the law.

In general, the advertising market depends on interpersonal relations. There are cases in which representatives of the state, which is the most important advertiser given its financial engagement, negotiate individually with outlets of their choice. This influences media content. The media do not have a culture of advertising, so they seldom recruit sales agents to build advertising revenue.

Although it has potential, the advertising sector is very limited. There are but a few advertisers, and they are always the same ones. The national daily newspaper L’Essor (a subsidiary of AMAP) grabs most of the advertising, legal notices, and subscriptions. All the state agencies subscribe to L’Essor, and all their announcements and advertisements are automatically published in the state-run newspaper.

The Malian government grants direct aid of XOF 200 million ($450,000) to the press. In order to be eligible for this subsidy, media outlets must meet requirements of Decree Number 03-264/P-RM, of 2003, which spells out the conditions of eligibility and governs the granting and management of public aid to the press. All media are considered for subsidies based on the same criteria. Given the increasing number of press outlets, the share that comes back to each of them is shrinking.

The distribution of this subsidy is entrusted to a committee presided over by the minister of communications. Press outlets also compete for indirect aid, such as tax relief, among other assistance.

No market research precedes the creation of a press outlet in Mali. The existing conditions attract sponsors who often do it for the prestige or simply wish to settle some score. There are no reliable statistics on media activities. The published print runs do not reflect reality.

Calculating audience ratings has not yet become a part of broadcasters’ tactics. No organization is in charge of measuring audience ratings and media distribution. The existing polling institutes occasionally conduct research on behalf of some newspapers, radio, and/or television stations.

Objective 5: Supporting Institutions

Score: 1.94

Lower scores in three indicators accounted for most of the overall loss in score for this objective. Panelists gave much lower scores this year for Indicator 1 (trade associations), Indicator 2 (professional associations), and Indicator 3 (supporting work by NGOs). On the other hand, Indicator 7 (apolitical channels of media distribution) received a slightly improved score. Indicator scores also showed some diversity in developments within this objective. Indicator 3 scored about a point lower than the overall score, while Indicator 5 (short-term training) and Indicator 7 scored more than a half-point and three-quarters of a point higher, respectively.

Two owners’ associations exist in Mali: the Private Press Publishers Association and the Union of Free Radio and Television Stations of Mali. These relatively well-structured associations represent the interests of their members in negotiations with authorities for advertising and in other issues. However, they need more funding to expand their influence in protecting the interests of the media.

The numerous existing professional associations are not efficient. There are some 60 specialized media associations and professional networks representing their members’ interests. They are also very involved in training their members. Many agree that there are too many associations for Mali’s young and small media industry. Almost all of the associations are in Bamako, and few have representatives in the rest of the country. They all are part of the Press House, a federal structure. That is not the case with unions, just one of which is specifically concerned with the public media.

The level of civil society involvement in protecting freedom of the press is seen as insufficient, although associations and NGOs such as the International Human Rights League and the Malian Human Rights Association do support freedom of expression and the independent media.

Mali does not have a school of journalism, but there are schools offering communications and marketing training programs. These programs send insufficiently qualified persons out into the job market. “The curricula of these schools do not meet the required academic standards. Usually course instructors develop their own programs as they please,” Dicko, of L’Essor, said. However, the Malian authorities are ready to create a school of journalism to respond to the urgent need for a more professional media corps.

The Press House offers advanced training for media professionals. Created in 1996, the Press House receives XOF 30 million ($67,000) annually, of the total XOF 200 million subsidy granted by the state. These funds are destined for continuous professional training at media outlets. For the same capacity-building purpose, the Press House also receives financial support from non-governmental national and international partners. Based on the specific needs of the media, the supporting associations also organize additional training seminars.

With the exception of the national daily paper L’Essor and other public newspapers in local languages published by AMAP, most printing houses are private. AMAP is state-financed and has its own printing house, just like the daily newspapers L’Indépendant and Les Echos.

Officially, there is no political interference in the private-run printing houses in Mali. But the state is also the biggest advertising client, and many publishers deal carefully with it so that they do not lose the public advertising markets.

Distribution channels are apolitical and free. However, distribution of the print media is a bottleneck for businesses that sell their product exclusively in the capital. The few newspapers that reach other areas are delayed. There are regional newspapers such as the bi-monthly Le Ségovien, distributed in the region of Ségou, 200 kilometers from Bamako. Due to the lack of a distribution system, newspapers are sold individually in the street.

At one time, Internet access was a monopoly of the government-owned telecommunications company, Sotelma; it is now an open and competitive industry.

Panel Patricipants

  • Alexis Kalambry, journalist and managing editor, Les Echos, Bamako
  • Ramata Dia, journalist and general coordinator, Community Radio Network of Guintan, Bamako
  • Diaby Makoro Camara, publisher and managing editor, Kabako, Bamako
  • Gamer Dicko, journalist, L’Essor; member, National Labor Union of the Information, the Press, and the Book Industry, Bamako
  • Ibrahim Labass Keita, journalist; vice-president, Observatory for Deontology and Ethics in the Press, Bamako
  • Haby Diallo Touré, director, Belekan Community Radio, Kati
  • Seydou Baba Traoré, director, national radio station, National Service of Broadcasting and Television of Mali, Bamako
  • Tiégoum Boubèye Maïga, journalist; chief executive officer, Algaïta Com, Bamako
  • Moustaph Maïga, founder, Le Ségovien, Ségou
  • Sékouba Samaké, journalist; general secretary, Journalists Association for the Promotion of Professionalism, Bamako
  • Isaïe Somboro, permanent secretary, Union of Independent Radio and Television Stations of Mali, Bamako
  • Nouhoum Kéita, journalist, editor-in-chief, and columnist, Kayira Associative Radio, Bamako

Moderator and Author
Mahamadou Talata Maïga, journalist, specialist in freedom of the press, and trainer,
Bamako

The Mali study was coordinated by, and conducted in partnership with, Media Foundation West Africa, Accra, Ghana.

  1. Menaka is part of Gao, situated approximately 1,500 kilometers from Bamako. Its population is mostly Tuareg.